Affichage des articles dont le libellé est pipeline. Afficher tous les articles
Affichage des articles dont le libellé est pipeline. Afficher tous les articles

jeudi 10 janvier 2019

China Offered to Bail Out Troubled Malaysian Fund in Return for Deals

The secret discussions show how China uses its  financial clout to corrupt and bolster its position overseas
By Tom Wright and Bradley Hope

Former Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak, third from left, in 2017 reviewed a model of a railway China agreed to build. Current PM Mahathir Mohamad has suspended the $16 billion project. 

Senior Chinese leaders offered in 2016 to help bail out a Malaysian government fund at the center of a swelling, multibillion-dollar graft scandal, according to minutes from a series of previously undisclosed meetings reviewed by The Wall Street Journal.
Chinese officials told visiting Malaysians that China would use its influence to try to get the U.S. and other countries to drop their probes of allegations that allies of then-Prime Minister Najib Razak and others plundered the fund known as 1MDB, the minutes show.
The Chinese also offered to bug the homes and offices of Journal reporters in Hong Kong who were investigating the fund, to learn who was leaking information to them, according to the minutes.
In return, Malaysia offered lucrative stakes in railway and pipeline projects for China’s One Belt, One Road program of building infrastructure abroad
Within months, Najib signed $34 billion of rail, pipeline and other deals with Chinese state companies, to be funded by Chinese banks and built by Chinese workers.
Najib also embarked on secret talks with China’s leadership to let Chinese navy ships dock at two Malaysian ports, say two people familiar with the discussions. 
Such permission would have been a significant concession to Beijing, which seeks greater influence across contested waters of the South China Sea, but it didn’t come to pass.
A Journal examination of the China-Malaysia projects, based on documents and interviews with current and former Malaysian officials, offers one of the most detailed accounts to date of the political forces at work behind China’s Belt and Road program, a signature initiative of building ports, railways, roads and pipelines in some 70 countries to generate trade and business for Chinese companies.
China is using the program to increase its sway over developing nations and trap them in debt while advancing its military aims. 
Several countries, including Pakistan and the Maldives, have been reviewing One Belt, One Road projects amid allegations deals unfairly advanced Beijing’s interests.
American national-security officials regard the Chinese efforts in Malaysia as Beijing’s most ambitious attempt to leverage the program for geostrategic gain, said a person familiar with U.S. discussions.
Minutes of the Chinese-Malaysian meetings say that although the projects’ purposes were political in nature—to shore up Najib’s government, settle the 1MDB debts and deepen Chinese influence in Malaysia—it was imperative the public see them as market-driven.
The Chinese government information office didn’t respond to requests for comment.

China's Infrastructure Initiative
China is building and financing a global network of trade and energy links to fill gaps in existing infrastructure spanning Asia, Europe and Africa.
China has said its Belt and Road projects promote development that benefits all sides. 
Nations wouldn’t welcome the program as they have if it carried the financial and geopolitical risks asserted by critics, China’s Foreign Ministry has said. 
It has denied that money in the program was used to help bail out the troubled Malaysian fund.
Documents reviewed by the Journal show Malaysian officials suggested that the infrastructure projects be financed at above-market values, generating excess cash for other needs. 
Investigators from the current Malaysian government, which replaced Najib’s last year, believe some of the money helped Najib finance his political activities and cover maturing debts of 1MDB, a fund he set up in 2009 to finance local development.
Najib was aware of the 2016 Malaysian-Chinese meetings, according to people familiar with them. Asked about them, the former prime minister issued a statement saying the rail project would have brought tens of thousands of jobs to Malaysia and stating that under his leadership, the country experienced nine years of continuous economic growth.
Current Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, who ousted Najib in an election last May, put the Chinese projects on hold
Malaysia has since charged Najib with crimes that include money laundering and breach of trust. 
He has denied them, is free on bail and faces trial this year.

A tunnel approach for a $16 billion rail link China agreed to build for Malaysia. The government that took over in Malaysia last year has suspended the project. 

Malaysia, rich in natural resources and on a sea lane, is a prized ally in the U.S.-China contest for influence in Asia. 
The U.S. once courted Najib as it sought alliances in the region.
In July 2015, the Journal reported that $681 million of funds originating with 1MDB, known formally as 1Malaysia Development Bhd., had flowed into Najib’s personal bank accounts
Najib’s office said the money was a gift from a Saudi Arabian it didn’t identify and said most of it was eventually returned.
The U.S. Justice Department began investigating. 
Its probe damaged Washington’s relationship with Najib, according to officials in both countries, helping drive Malaysia into Beijing’s arms.
By 2016, Najib was in a bind because the fund had borrowed $13 billion it couldn’t repay. 
He turned to Jho Low—a Malaysian financier the U.S. Justice Department has alleged was the mastermind of a multibillion-dollar theft of 1MDB funds—to negotiate with China to resolve the crisis, according to current and former Malaysian officials.

Jho Low, a central figure in a multibillion-dollar scandal at a Malaysian development fund. A now-suspended Chinese ‘Belt and Road’ project in Malaysia has partially bailed out the fund’s debts. 

Mr. Low faces criminal charges in both Malaysia and the U.S. related to the Malaysian fund. 
Chinese officials have declined to comment on that.
Low drew up plans for Malaysian meetings with Chinese officials and attended some of them, according to current and former Malaysian officials.
Malaysia’s new government discovered the documents, including minutes from Chinese-Malaysian meetings over several months, after a sweep of Najib’s offices, according to members of the government. 
The Journal, besides reviewing the documents, interviewed people in position to know the events, among them a former official of Najib’s government.
The documents describe a plan proposed by Malaysian officials for Chinese state companies to build two large projects with funding from Chinese banks. 
One, the $16 billion East Coast Rail Link, would be a railway across Malaysia connecting two ports. 
The other, the $2.5 billion Trans Sabah Gas Pipeline, would be built partly on Malaysia’s portion of the island of Borneo.
Armed with a bottomless supply of cash, Jho Low staged the ultimate extravaganza. Leonardo DiCaprio, Pharrell Williams, Swizz Beatz, Jho Low, Paris Hilton, Kim Kardashian and Kanye West all attended the Vegas party.

The projects would provide “above market profitability” to the Chinese state companies, the documents say. 
The rail link should have cost only $7.25 billion to build, according to an earlier estimate by a Malaysian consultancy, said a Malaysian government official.
The public must believe “all initiatives are market driven for the mutual benefit of both countries,” Chinese official Xiao Yaqing said at a meeting on June 28, 2016, according to minutes of the meeting.
Xiao, chairman of China’s State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission, said he had “cancelled all his key engagements in Beijing to attend” because the matter “has been approved by President Xi Jinping, Premier Li Keqiang” and another senior Chinese official, according to the minutes. 
Xiao’s agency didn’t respond to requests for comment.
At a meeting the next day, Sun Lijun, then head of China’s domestic-security force, confirmed that China’s government was surveilling the Journal in Hong Kong at Malaysia’s request, including “full scale residence/office/device tapping, computer/phone/web data retrieval, and full operational surveillance,” according to a Malaysian summary of that meeting.

Chinese official Xiao Yaqing, seen at a June summit of China’s ‘Belt and Road’ program of building infrastructure in dozens of other countries. 

“Sun says that they will establish all links that WSJ HK has with Malaysia-related individuals and will hand over the wealth of data to Malaysia through ‘back-channels’ once everything is ready,” the summary reads. 
“It is then up to Malaysia to do the necessary.”
It couldn’t be determined whether China provided any information. 
Sun didn’t respond to requests for comment.
A Journal spokesman said, “We employ experts on security and cybersecurity to work with our journalists on safety and secure communications with sources of information.”

Derailed
Malaysia has frozen work on a Chinese-funded project called the East Coast Rail Link amid concerns its cost was inflated to divert money to help pay off the debts of 1Malaysia Development Bhd.
Sun also promised to use China’s “leverage on other nations” to get the U.S. and others to drop their 1MDB investigations, according to the meeting summary. 
The Justice Department investigation continued, as did probes in Singapore, Switzerland and elsewhere.
At one meeting, the Malaysians asked that the Chinese state company that would build the rail link assume $4.78 billion of 1MDB debt, a plan they hoped China would agree to quickly “due to the time sensitive nature” of the fund’s debts, according to the documents.
A Chinese negotiator worried this would be “very noticeable” in financial statements of the builder, China Communications Construction Co. , meeting minutes show.
A month later, the Malaysians proposed that Chinese state companies instead make payments that would “indirectly be used to repay 1MDB debt,” according to meeting minutes.
Notes of a discussion on Sept. 22, 2016, say the sides agreed to move ahead with the infrastructure deals even though “they may not have strong project financials.”
Participants needn’t “waste time studying the actual project financials to see if they can sustain the debt etc.,” because Malaysia’s government backed the deals for "strategic" reasons
, the documents say.
Notes from that meeting said Malaysia was working to enhance bilateral ties, citing support Najib voiced for China’s position in the South China Sea during a regional summit in Laos.
Two months later, Najib went to Beijing and signed the deals. 
Together with other projects, they made Malaysia the second-biggest recipient of One Belt, One Road funding after Pakistan.
Money was flowing by the middle of 2017 as the Export-Import Bank of China issued the first loans. By fall the bank had paid out 80% of the $2.5 billion pledged to state-owned China Petroleum Pipeline Bureau to build the pipeline, although little work had been done, according to Malaysian officials.

Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, center, suspended plans for Chinese companies to build costly rail and pipeline projects in Malaysia. 

When campaigning for Malaysian parliamentary elections began early in 2018, China openly sided with Najib, its ambassador at one point campaigning with members of his coalition. 
Against the odds, Mr. Mahathir, a prominent former prime minister then 92 years old, led his coalition to victory.
Now, Mr. Mahathir is negotiating with Beijing over potential new terms for the railroad project and seeking the return of Low. 
Excavators for the rail projects are idle, and workers’ quarters are vacant. 
Mr. Mahathir is expected to cancel the pipeline deal.

samedi 10 juin 2017

China's $10 Billion Strategic Project in Myanmar Sparks Local Ire

By REUTERS

KYAUK PYU, Myanmar — Days before the first supertanker carrying 140,000 tonnes of Chinese-bound crude oil arrived in Myanmar's Kyauk Pyu port, local officials confiscated Nyein Aye's fishing nets.
The 36-year-old fisherman was among hundreds banned from fishing a stretch of water near the entry point for a pipeline that pumps oil 770 km (480 miles) across Myanmar to southwest China and forms a crucial part of Beijing's "Belt and Road" project to deepen its economic links with Asia and beyond.
"How can we make a living if we're not allowed to catch fish?" said Nyein Aye, who bought a bigger boat just four months ago but now says his income has dropped by two-thirds due to a decreased catch resulting from restrictions on when and where he can fish. 
Last month he joined more than 100 people in a protest demanding compensation from pipeline operator Petrochina.
The pipeline is part of the nearly $10 billion Kyauk Pyu Special Economic Zone, a scheme at the heart of fast-warming Myanmar-China relations and whose success is crucial for the Southeast Asian nation's leader Aung San Suu Kyi.
Embattled Suu Kyi needs a big economic win to stem criticism that her first year in office has seen little progress on reform. 
China's support is also key to stabilising their shared border, where a spike in fighting with ethnic armed groups threatens the peace process Suu Kyi says is her top priority.
China's state-run CITIC Group, the main developer of the Kyauk Pyu Special Economic Zone, says it will create 100,000 jobs in the northwestern state of Rakhine, one of Myanmar's poorest regions.
But many local people say the project is being rushed through without consultation or regard for their way of life.
Suspicion of China runs deep in Myanmar, and public hostility due to environmental and other concerns has delayed or derailed Chinese mega-projects in the country in the past.
China says the Kyauk Pyu development is based on "win-win" co-operation between the two countries.

"AVOIDING PANIC"

Since Beijing signalled it may abandon the huge Myitsone Dam hydroelectric project in Myanmar earlier this year, it has pushed for concessions on other strategic undertakings -- including the Bay of Bengal port at Kyauk Pyu, which gives it an alternative route for energy imports from the Middle East.
Internal planning documents reviewed by Reuters and more than two dozen interviews with officials show work on contracts and land acquisition has already begun before the completion of studies on the impact on local people and the environment, which legal experts said could breach development laws.
The Kyauk Pyu Special Economic Zone will cover more than 4,200 acres (17 sq km). 
It includes the $7.3 billion deep sea port and a $2.3 billion industrial park, with plans to attract industries such as textiles and oil refining.
A Reuters' tally based on internal planning documents and census data suggests 20,000 villagers, most of whom now depend on agriculture and fishing, are at risk of being relocated to make way for the project.
"There will be a huge project in the zone and many buildings will be built, so people who live in the area will be relocated," said Than Htut Oo, administrator of Kyauk Pyu, who also sits on the management committee of the economic zone.
He said the government has not publicly announced the plan, because it didn't want to "create panic" while it was still negotiating with the Chinese developer.

AMBITIOUS DEADLINE
In April, Myanmar's President Htin Kyaw signed two agreements on the pipeline and the Kyauk Pyu port with Xi Jinping, as Beijing pushed to revive a project that had stalled since its inception in 2009.
The agreements call for environmental and social assessments to be carried out as soon as possible.
While the studies are expected to take up to 15 months and have not yet started, CITIC has asked Myanmar to finalise contract terms by the end of this year so that the construction can start in 2018, said Soe Win, who leads the Myanmar management committee of the zone.
Such a schedule has alarmed experts who fear the project is being rushed.
"The environmental and social preparations for a project of these dimensions take years to complete and not months," said Vicky Bowman, head of the Myanmar Centre for Responsible Business and a former British ambassador to the country.
CITIC said in an email to Reuters it would engage "a world-renowned consulting firm" to carry out assessments.
Although large-scale land demarcation for the project has not yet started, 26 families have been displaced from farmland due to acquisitions that took place in 2014 for the construction of two dams, according to land documents and the land owners.
Experts say this violates Myanmar's environmental laws.
"Carrying out land acquisition before completing environmental impact assessments and resettlement plans is incompatible with national law," said Sean Bain, Myanmar-based legal consultant for human rights watchdog International Commission of Jurists.

JOB OPPORTUNITIES?
CITIC says it will build a vocational school to provide training for skills needed by companies in the economic zone. 
It has given $1.5 million to local villages to develop businesses.
Reuters spoke to several villagers who had borrowed small sums from the village funds set up with this money.
"The CITIC money was very useful for us because most people in the village need money," said fisherman Thar Sai Aung, who borrowed $66 to buy new nets.
Chinese investors say they also plan to spend $1 million during the first five years of the development, and $500,000 per year thereafter to improve local living standards.
But villagers in Kyauk Pyu say they fear the project would not contribute to the development of the area because the operating companies employ mostly Chinese workers.
From more than 3,000 people living on the Maday island, the entry point for the oil pipeline, only 47 have landed a job with the Petrochina, while the number of Chinese workers stood at more than double that number, data from labour authorities showed.
Petrochina did not respond to requests for comment. 
In a recent report it said Myanmar citizens made up 72 percent of its workforce in the country overall and it would continue to hire locally.
"I don't think there's hope for me to get a job at the zone," said fisherman Nyein Aye. 
He had been turned down 12 times for job applications with the pipeline operator.
"Chinese companies said they would develop our village and improve our livelihoods, but it turned out we are suffering every day."