Affichage des articles dont le libellé est MoneyGram. Afficher tous les articles
Affichage des articles dont le libellé est MoneyGram. Afficher tous les articles

vendredi 29 mars 2019

Chinese Peril

Grindr Is Owned by a Chinese Firm, and the U.S. Is Trying to Force It to Sell
By David E. Sanger

Grindr, the gay dating app, is owned by a Chinese company.

WASHINGTON — The Trump administration is expanding its efforts to block Chinese acquisitions in the United States, moving to force a Chinese firm that owns Grindr, the gay dating app, to relinquish control over concerns that Beijing could use personal information to blackmail or influence American officials.
The action, which is being driven by the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States, is unusual given that the panel typically investigates mergers that could result in control of an American business by a foreign individual or company, judging whether deals could threaten national security. This appears to be the first case in which the United States has asserted that foreign control of a social media app could have national security implications.
The administration has not announced the move, which will require that Grindr be sold, or explained it.
But officials familiar with the case, which was first reported by Reuters, say the concern focused on the potential for the blackmail of American officials or contractors, if China threatened to disclose their sexual orientation, or track their movements or dating habits.
Three years ago, a Chinese firm that owns both gaming and credit services businesses, Beijing Kunlun Tech Co. Ltd., a public company listed on the Shenzhen stock exchange, bought a 60 percent stake in Grindr, which is based in West Hollywood, Calif., for $93 million. 
Early last year, it bought the remaining shares for a little over $150 million.
While there were news reports about both transactions, the United States did not take action to block the acquisitions. 
Since then, the United States’ definition of national security threats has expanded, in part over concerns by the Trump administration and lawmakers about China’s ability to gain access to critical American technology.
It is unclear why the panel, known as Cfius, acted now, more than three years after control of the company switched to Chinese hands. 
Senator Ron Wyden, Democrat of Oregon, said he, along with several other senators, asked Cfius to conduct a review.
“Last year, my office met with a top official from the Treasury Department to express my serious concerns about the national security risks associated with a Chinese company buying Grindr,” he said in a statement. 
While he said he could not “confirm specific actions by Cfius,” a highly secretive panel, “it is high time for the administration and Cfius to consider the national security impact of foreign companies acquiring large, sensitive troves of Americans’ private data.”
Congress handed more power to the panel last year, allowing it to examine transactions that fell short of majority control of a company and involved just minority stakes. 
The expansion was an effort to counter Chinese minority investments in Silicon Valley companies that gave investors an early look at emerging technologies.
The Kunlun purchases had never been submitted to Cfius, giving the government the leverage to go back in after the sale to try to force a divestment. 
Calls to Kunlun’s office number were not answered, and emails seeking comment were not returned.
Grindr has already faced questions about its control and use of personal data. 
The company faced a huge backlash for sharing users’ H.I.V. status, sexual tastes and other intimate personal details with outside software vendors. 
After the data sharing was made public by European researchers in 2018, the company said it would stop sharing H.I.V. data with outside companies.
Last year was the first time Cfius appeared to be concerned about the purchase of companies that contained sensitive data. 
The government killed a proposed merger last year between MoneyGram, the money transfer firm, and Ant Financial, a payments company related to the Chinese e-commerce giant Alibaba.
The United States has also embarked on a global campaign to block a big Chinese telecom equipment giant, Huawei, from building the next generation of wireless networks, known as 5G, over concerns that it could divert critical data through China, or turn over data running through its networks to Beijing. 
The White House has essentially accused Huawei of being an arm of the Chinese government that can be used for spying or to sabotage communications networks.
But the administration’s efforts to control what kind of personal data is available to China’s intelligence services may have come too late. 
China’s ministry of state security and other Chinese groups have already been accused of successfully stealing personal data from American databases.
The theft of 22 million security clearance files from the Office of Personnel Management in 2014, along with similar theft of data from the Anthem insurance networks and Marriott hotels, have all been attributed to Chinese actors operating on behalf of the Chinese government.
The files stolen in the 2014 government breach contain far more personal data than the Chinese could probably find on any individual social media site: They include work history on sensitive United States projects, information about bankruptcies, medical conditions, relationship histories, and any contacts with foreigners. 
The loss of the information forced the C.I.A. to reassign personnel headed to China, and was considered among the largest losses of sensitive security information in decades. 
The Obama administration declined to publicly concede that the breach was committed by Chinese intelligence services.
China has taken steps of its own to limit foreign companies’ access to its citizens’ personal information. 
A recently enacted cybersecurity law mandates that user data be stored in the country, where it can be kept under the government’s control. 
Apple said it would open its first data center in China, and formed a partnership with a Chinese company to run the center and handle data requests from the government.
Before the law even came into effect, the Chinese government had pressured foreign technology companies to operate servers only within its borders — meaning the data is available to Chinese authorities. 
Amazon and Microsoft have partnered with Chinese firms to offer cloud computing services to Chinese customers.
The United States has also pressed China to allow insurance companies and other American firms that control personal data to enter the Chinese market, a demand that goes back nearly two decades. China has agreed to do so, and that agreement is expected to be part of the larger trade deal being negotiated between American and Chinese negotiators.
But the Grindr case could give the Chinese government an excuse to make its own national security claims if American firms sought to purchase a Chinese insurance company, or any of its social media firms.

lundi 20 août 2018

No Country for Predatory China

Doors Slam Shut for China Deals Around the World
Tighter rules for CFIUS are echoed in great scrutiny from Europe to Australia.

By Nisha Gopalan
Ant Financial’s Alipay: Rolling in Japan, but MoneyGram was off limits.
Doors are slamming shut in the developed world not just to Chinese investment in technology but potentially to a wave of acquisitions with a tech element, as diverse as smart heaters and robotic lawnmowers.
President Donald Trump last week signed an update to legislation for the Committee on Foreign Investment in the U.S. that broadened the inter-agency vetting committee group’s scope to encompass even minority and passive investments in three areas: Critical technology, infrastructure, and businesses that handle personal data. 
This tightening of the rules has been happening for some time, but it’s now explicit.
Just ask Jack Ma, who earlier this year had to abandon Ant Financial’s bid for MoneyGram International Inc. amid CFIUS concerns that malicious China could obtain data on U.S. military personnel who use the payments service. 
Or Broadcom Ltd., whose $117 billion bid for Qualcomm Inc. was rejected by Trump after the committee worried that the deal, and the inevitable post-merger cost-cutting, would give China’s Huawei Technologies Co. a tech leg-up.
But there’s more to this CFIUS update.
In the past, “notifications to CFIUS were voluntary, at least until CFIUS came knocking,” said Rod Hunter, a Washington-based trade partner at Baker & McKenzie LLP. 
Now, an acquirer planning to invest in anything remotely “smart” in the U.S. stands to be investigated.
Ambiguity abounds: What kinds of “personal data” are vulnerable in a world where pretty much every company must seek to monetize such information to get ahead? 
If all information is critical infrastructure, can any Chinese incursion come in under the radar? 
Would Haier Group Corp.’s purchase of General Electric Co.’s home-appliance business a couple of years ago – partly to leverage the American company’s smart-home technology – get the green light now?
China’s challenges aren’t limited to U.S., or to similar stances in Australia and Canada. 
Europe, the favored destination of late, is getting a lot tougher.
This month, Chancellor Angela Merkel’s government vetoed for the first time a possible Chinese takeover of a German company, blocking the bid for a machine-tool manufacturer, Leifeld Metal Spinning AG
Berlin is still reeling from the outcry sparked two years ago by Midea Group Co.’s purchase of Kuka AG, a robotics firm, and wants to lower the threshold at which it screens non-European Union acquisitions from the current 25 percent. 
Even the U.K., keen to cultivate China as Brexit looms, is proposing removing thresholds for small takeover targets, minority stakes, or even the acquisition of intellectual property.
That's not to say Beijing will have to give up all of its Made in China 2025 ambitions. 
As my colleague Noah Smith has written, joint ventures are still a way to acquire coveted technology
And when all else fails, China can wave its own antitrust stick. 
You can blame the current trade spat, but it’s hard not to connect President Trump’s veto of Broadcom-Qualcomm with the U.S. chipmaker’s failure to win Chinese approval of its pursuit of NXP Semiconductors NV this summer.
The fact remains that China doesn’t have a lot of options for bringing in the technology it needs. 
That puts Beijing on the back foot, under pressure to play fair and open its market to the rest of the world.
China has already promised to permit investment its financial sector, after decades of complaints from Wall Street, and now is making it easier for foreign buyers to take strategic stakes in domestically listed companies in many industries. 
That may eventually be seen as the kind of reciprocal treatment Western governments want. 
For now, though, the world’s doors are shutting to Chinese investments.

mercredi 3 janvier 2018

Chinese Peril

U.S. blocks MoneyGram sale to China's Ant Financial on national security concerns 
By Greg Roumeliotis









A Moneygram logo is seen outside a bank in Vienna, Austria, June 28, 2016.

Ant Financial’s plan to acquire U.S. money transfer company MoneyGram International Inc collapsed on Tuesday after a U.S. government panel rejected it over national security concerns, the most high-profile Chinese deal to be torpedoed under the administration of U.S. President Donald Trump.
The $1.2 billion deal’s failure represents a blow for Jack Ma, the executive chairman of Chinese internet conglomerate Alibaba Group Holding Ltd, who owns Ant Financial together with Alibaba executives.
He was looking to expand Ant Financial’s footprint amid fierce domestic competition from Chinese rival Tencent Holdings Ltd’s WeChat payment platform.
Ma, a Chinese citizen who appears frequently with leaders from the highest echelons of the Communist Party, had promised Trump in a meeting a year ago that he would create 1 million U.S. jobs.
MoneyGram shares fell 8.5 percent in after-market trading.
The companies decided to terminate their deal after the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) rejected their proposals to mitigate concerns over the safety of data that can be used to identify U.S. citizens, according to sources familiar with the confidential discussions.
“Despite our best efforts to work cooperatively with the U.S. government, it has now become clear that CFIUS will not approve this merger,” MoneyGram Chief Executive Alex Holmes said in a statement on Tuesday.
The U.S. government has toughened its stance on the sale of companies to Chinese entities, at a time when Trump is trying to put pressure on China to help tackle North Korea’s nuclear ambitions and be more accommodative on trade and foreign exchange issues.
The MoneyGram deal is the latest in a string of Chinese acquisitions of U.S. companies that have failed to clear CFIUS, including the $1.3 billion purchase by China-backed buyout fund Canyon Bridge Capital Partners LLC of U.S. chip maker Lattice Semiconductor Corp.
In November, China Oceanwide Holdings Group Co Ltd and Genworth Financial Inc extended a deadline to April 1 for the Chinese group’s planned $2.7 billion takeover of the U.S. life insurer.
Asked on Wednesday for Beijing’s view on the deal’s rejection, a Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman said cooperation on economic and trade matters was of mutual benefit.
“We hope the U.S. can create a fair and predictable environment for Chinese enterprises to invest and start up businesses,” the spokesman said.
However, commentary published after the deal’s collapse by official news agency Xinhua went further, describing a fading bonhomie between the two countries, with the United States “stuck in a zero-sum mentality”.

A logo of Ant Financial is displayed at the Ant Financial event in Hong Kong, China November 1, 2016. 

“China and the United States are about to ride a bumpy journey in trade in 2018 if the U.S. government goes its own way, and retaliatory measures by China could be on the table,” it said.

FINANCIAL SERVICES DEALS
The MoneyGram deal’s demise is also the latest example of how CFIUS’ focus on cyber security and the integrity of personal data is prompting it to block deals in sectors not traditionally associated with national security, such as financial services.
The U.S. Treasury said it is prohibited by statute from disclosing information filed with CFIUS and declined to comment on the MoneyGram deal.
Other U.S. financial services deals by Chinese firms are waiting for approval from CFIUS, including HNA Group Co’s acquisition of hedge fund-of-funds firm SkyBridge Capital LLC from Anthony Scaramucci, the Trump administration’s former communications director.
SkyBridge and HNA did not immediately respond to requests for comment.
Dallas-based MoneyGram has approximately 350,000 remittance locations in more than 200 countries.
Ant Financial was looking to take over MoneyGram not so much for its U.S. presence but to expand in growing markets outside of China.
Ant Financial and MoneyGram said they will now explore and develop initiatives to work together in remittance and digital payments in China, India, the Philippines and other Asian markets, as well as in the United States.
This cooperation will take the form of commercial agreements, one of the sources said.
Any arrangements reached by Ant Financial and MoneyGram that do not involve a transaction would not be subject to review by CFIUS.
“What is more likely to happen at this point is that MoneyGram will sell to another company, and one company that has shown interest in the past is Euronet,” said Gil Luria, an equity analyst at D.A. Davidson & Co.
Ant Financial agreed an $18 per share all-cash deal to acquire MoneyGram in April, seeing off competition from U.S.-based Euronet Worldwide Inc, which had made an unsolicited offer for MoneyGram and openly lobbied U.S lawmakers, saying Ant’s proposal created a national security risk.
“Euronet continues to believe there is compelling commercial logic to a combination between Euronet and MoneyGram. However, significant developments have been disclosed by MoneyGram since Euronet’s offer, and Euronet has not conducted any evaluation of the business in that time. While we continue to view a transaction with MoneyGram as logical, there is no guarantee any offer will be made or any transaction will ultimately occur,” Euronet said in a statement.
Ant Financial said it paid MoneyGram a $30 million termination fee for the deal’s collapse.

lundi 27 mars 2017

Alibaba and the Chinese thieves

Alibaba pursuit of MoneyGram raises espionage fears
By San Diego Union-tribune

The acquisition of financial giant MoneyGram by a company with close ties to the Beijing government might be scuppered by rising fears that Chinese spies would exploit the data of American troops and their families to track military movements and identify targets to turn.
The bidding war for Dallas-based MoneyGram pits China’s Zhejiang Ant Small and Micro Financial Services — called Ant — against Euronet Worldwide, a Kansas firm that’s American-owned.
Ant offered $1.9 billion for MoneyGram on Jan. 27. 
Euronet swept in with a $2 billion bid nearly three months later, but the only deal under tentative agreement is Ant’s.
A spin-off of online retail giant Alibaba, Ant operates in China like America’s PayPal system, but its subsidiaries include an online bank and a money-market fund. 
Chinese billionaire Jack Ma directs both companies, although 15 percent of Ant is owned by the Communist government and the sovereign wealth fund it controls.
Hackers linked to China’s military and spy agencies are accused of raiding data from both the American government and key national security contractors, including aerospace leader Northrop Grumman and shippers moving U.S. troops and equipment worldwide.
“With MoneyGram, you have a company that routinely provides financial services to Department of Defense personnel. That information can be analyzed and exploited,” said Christopher Swift, a former investigator at the U.S. Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control, where he probed international transactions involving terrorist syndicates, weapons smugglers and rogue nations banned from doing business in America.
“This is a merger that involves America’s financial system, and the financial system is part of the critical infrastructure of the United States. On top of that, MoneyGram collects information about Americans and could be a potential source of information to the Chinese government,” added Swift, now a partner at the Washington, D.C.-based legal firm of Foley & Lardner, where he specializes in white-collar litigation, international law and national-security cases.
MoneyGram’s representatives didn’t return messages seeking comment.
In 2012, the company entered into a deferred prosecution agreement with the U.S. Justice Department after admitting to criminally aiding and abetting wire fraud and failing to maintain an effective anti-money laundering program. 
MoneyGram forfeited $100 million for “turning a blind eye” to the defrauding of tens of thousands of American citizens and agreed to strengthen its compliance department, according to the agreement.
It’s harder to crack down on Chinese government spying.
In 2014, for example, a federal grand jury indicted five members of People’s Liberation Army Unit 61398 for stealing data from American corporations. 
The following year, the U.S. Office of Personnel Management announced that Chinese hackers ripped off the records of up to 21.5 million Americans, a treasure trove of data that included details about military personnel and contractors with high security clearances.
Troops and their families using MoneyGram to send money to relatives, friends or others must fill out forms designed to flag financial crimes such as money laundering and wire fraud.
Depending on the type of transaction, customers can disclose a wide range of personal data, including residential addresses, Social Security numbers, birth dates and banking information, plus similar details about the recipient of the funds.

MoneyGram outlets also record information from a client’s passport, driver’s license, national identity card or other government-issued pieces of identification. 
The info is usually kept for five years in case federal or state bank regulators audit the transactions.
The sheer reach of MoneyGram’s 347,000 outlets or affiliated agents in 200 nations means that it routinely serves military members and their families.
The Union-Tribune counted 20 MoneyGram outlets running in an arc from Temecula Heights past North Island Naval Air Station, San Diego Naval Base and Point Loma’s Third Fleet headquarters to Imperial Beach — where the SEALs are building a new $1 billion compound.
About a dozen MoneyGram outlets are located around Camp Pendleton, and six are situated near Miramar Marine Corps Air Station.
Lemoore Naval Air Station, home to the Navy’s new fleet of F-35C stealthy strike fighters, has a MoneyGram in town. 
So does Yuma, Arizona, home to the Marine Corps’ F-35B program.
It’s a 10-minute drive from the gates of Vandenberg Air Force Base and its top-secret missile and satellite programs to the nearest MoneyGram.
Euronet executives said they’re worried about the geographic pattern.
“Our team has been in the money transfer business for more than 30 years. We have a keen understanding for the significant amount of personal data that is collected and preserved related to the senders and beneficiaries in these transactions, and the view it provides to the financial sector,” Euronet Chairman and CEO Michael Brown said in a statement to the Union-Tribune. 
“We also understand the impact on the lives of customers, and the risks were it to be misused by a company or government. Members of Congress, members of a congressional commission and others have raised concerns about such risks in this transaction.”
Two Republican congressmen with sway over America’s policies toward China — Rep. Robert Pittenger of North Carolina and Rep. Chris Smith of New Jersey — have asked whether Beijing would use MoneyGram data to crack down on human-rights dissidents. 
Other lawmakers told the Union-Tribune they were just learning about the national-security issues dogging the deal. 
Dayanara Ramirez, spokeswoman for Rep. Juan Vargas, D-San Diego, said her office is “currently waiting to get more information/background on the matter.”
Vargas serves on the House Committee on Financial Services, which could exert oversight regarding the transaction.
The proposed sale of MoneyGram to Ant also could fall victim to a tiny federal agency lodged in the U.S. Treasury Department — the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States, or CFIUS. That office combines the expertise of 11 federal agencies, including the Pentagon and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, to weigh purchases of key American companies by foreign businesses.
In 2013, CFIUS helped thwart the sale of a mining company to Chinese investors due to concerns that they would own property too near the Navy’s “top gun” fighter school at Fallon Naval Air Station in Nevada and the Corps’ air station in Yuma.
Four years earlier, the office scuttled a similar Chinese deal to acquire another company with holdings near Fallon. 
The review cited “serious, significant and consequential national-security issues” raised by senior Pentagon officials.
In addition, Barack Obama in 2012 barred the Chinese-owned Sany Group from erecting a wind farm near restricted air space at the Boardman test range in Oregon, where the military flies cutting-edge drones.
Because the MoneyGram sale is governed by an executive branch process, Donald Trump will get the final say unless Congress intervenes.
On Jan. 9, then-President-elect Trump met with billionaire Jack Ma at Trump Tower in Manhattan. Ma promised to create 1 million American jobs during the next five years as Alibaba expanded into the United States — a point echoed by Ant in its statement to the Union-Tribune.
The White House didn’t respond to requests seeking comment for this story.