Affichage des articles dont le libellé est U.S. companies. Afficher tous les articles
Affichage des articles dont le libellé est U.S. companies. Afficher tous les articles

mardi 8 octobre 2019

Greedy America's Money Cult: The Long List of Beijing Ass-Kissers

Don’t be mad at the NBA. Hundreds of U.S. companies have sold out to Chinese tyrants.
By Sally Jenkins


Get off the NBA’s back, all you people who want sports to be the children’s literature of your lost youth.
Somehow, because the Houston Rockets capitulated to their Chinese business partners, the league is now supposed to be a gutless violator of human rights?
You better start with General Electric.
Or KFC
Or how about Walmart?
It’s more than a little ludicrous for everyone from Ted Cruz to Beto O’Rourke to suddenly hand the NBA and the Rockets the tab for American toadying to authoritarians in Beijing. 
If they want to draw that line in the sand, they can draw it with any of their favorite dozen American corporations — only that wouldn’t be so politically convenient, would it?
It’s easier to hurl righteous outrage and umbrage at a large target such as Rockets star James Harden, who on Monday apologized to China for "hurt feelings" at the behest of his bosses. 
“We love China,” he said. 
It’s far more pat and satisfying to go all-in at Rockets management for making General Manager Daryl Morey apologize for his tweet over the weekend in support of pro-democracy protesters in Hong Kong
“I did not intend my tweet to cause any offense to Rockets fans and friends of mine in China,” he said in a statement.
And, boy, isn’t it an easy viral sound clip to accuse the entire NBA of “blatant prioritization of profits over human rights,” as O’Rourke did, and call it an embarrassment, simply because the league called the incident “regrettable” and tried to patch things up with Chinese dictators?
You want to be angry at the NBA for cowering in the face of China’s authoritarian regime? 
You want to accuse NBA Commissioner Adam Silver of supporting a murderous dictatorship simply to further business interests in China? 
Fine. 
Good for you.
But understand the NBA is only imitating that smooth move patented by dozens of other fine, flag-waving American corporations in their dealings with China. 
A half-dozen American corporate sponsors set the template a decade ago at the Beijing Olympics, when they colluded in the silencing of U.S. athletes and were far more directly complicit in a host of human rights violations.
Remember what champs Visa and General Electric were when the Chinese refused to grant entry to American athlete Joey Cheek because he had been too audible of an activist against abuses in Darfur? 
And how about the courageous support Coca-Cola gave to Chinese dissidents when Beijing authorities cracked down on them in advance of those Games?
Never forget the standup position Johnson & Johnson took when Steven Spielberg quit as artistic director of the Opening and Closing Ceremonies because Beijing not only failed to honor a single one of the reform promises it had made in procuring the right to host the Games but actually went on a terroristic bender against its own citizens, destroying whole neighborhoods, enlisting slave labor and throwing anyone who didn’t like it into a camp.
Ford. 
GM. 
Starbucks. 
Papa John’s. 
All of them do massive business with China. 
Abercrombie & Fitch. 
Boeing. 
Procter & Gamble. 
Start with them. 
All of them have long known what the conditions and equations are for doing business in the China market.
Australian journalist Geremie Barmé, who has covered China for many years, sums it up in a phrase: “contentious friendship.”
“To be a "friend" of China, the foreigner is often expected to stomach unpalatable situations, and keep silent in the face of egregious behavior,” he has written. 
“A "friend" of China might enjoy the privilege of offering the occasional word of caution in private; in the public arena he or she is expected to have the good sense and courtesy to be ‘objective.’ That is to toe the line, whatever that happens to be. The concept of ‘friendship’ thus degenerates into little more than an effective tool for emotional blackmail and enforced complicity.
Throughout the Beijing Olympics, American companies remained silent. 
So did IOC President Jacques Rogge. 
When Rogge finally did open his mouth to protest someone’s conduct, it wasn’t anyone in China’s leaderships. 
The man he decided to pick was Jamaican sprinter Usain Bolt, for his bad manners in celebrating too boldly. 
The outrage at the NBA is more than a little remindful of that.
Yes, the NBA has made a mutually beneficial commercial accommodation with China. 
There are 800 million Chinese viewers of the league, according to Time, and there is a 30-year media partnership. 
You have a problem with that or consider it gutless? 
Then you have a problem with literally hundreds of American companies.

lundi 18 février 2019

Chinese and Iranian Hackers Renew Their Attacks on U.S. Companies

By Nicole Perlroth

Geoffrey Berman, the United States attorney for the Southern District of New York, discussing the charges last year against nine Iranians accused of hacking into the systems of hundreds of companies and academic institutions.

SAN FRANCISCO — Businesses and government agencies in the United States have been targeted in aggressive attacks by Iranian and Chinese hackers who security experts believe have been energized by President Trump’s withdrawal from the Iran nuclear deal last year and his trade conflicts with China.
Recent Iranian attacks on American banks, businesses and government agencies have been more extensive than previously reported.
Dozens of corporations and multiple United States agencies have been hit, according to seven people briefed on the episodes who were not authorized to discuss them publicly.
The attacks, attributed to Iran by analysts at the National Security Agency and the private security firm FireEye, prompted an emergency order by the Department of Homeland Security during the government shutdown last month.
The Iranian attacks coincide with a renewed Chinese offensive geared toward stealing trade and military secrets from American military contractors and technology companies, according to nine intelligence officials, private security researchers and lawyers familiar with the attacks who discussed them on the condition of anonymity because of confidentiality agreements.
A summary of an intelligence briefing read to The New York Times said that Boeing, General Electric Aviation and T-Mobile were among the recent targets of Chinese industrial-espionage efforts. 
The companies all declined to discuss the threats, and it is not clear if any of the hacks were successful.
Chinese cyberespionage cooled four years ago after Barack Obama and Xi Jinping reached a deal to stop hacks meant to steal trade secrets.
But the 2015 agreement appears to have been unofficially canceled amid the continuing trade tension between the United States and China, the intelligence officials and private security researchers said. Chinese hacks have returned to earlier levels, although they are now stealthier and more sophisticated.
“Cyber is one of the ways adversaries can attack us and retaliate in effective and nasty ways that are well below the threshold of an armed attack or laws of war,” said Joel Brenner, a former leader of United States counterintelligence under the director of national intelligence.
Federal agencies and private companies are back to where they were five years ago: battling increasingly sophisticated, government-affiliated hackers from China and Iran — in addition to fighting constant efforts out of Russia — who hope to steal trade and military secrets and sow mayhem. 
And it appears the hackers substantially improved their skills during the lull.
Russia is still considered America’s foremost hacking adversary. 
In addition to meddling widely and spreading disinformation during United States elections, Russian hackers are believed to have launched attacks on nuclear plants, the electrical grid and other targets.
Threats from China and Iran never stopped entirely, but Iranian hackers became much less active after the nuclear deal was signed in 2015. 
And for about 18 months, intelligence officials concluded, Beijing backed off its 10-year online effort to steal trade secrets.
But Chinese hackers have resumed carrying out commercially motivated attacks, security researchers and data-protection lawyers said. 
A priority for the hackers, researchers said, is supporting Beijing’s five-year economic plan, which is meant to make China a leader in artificial intelligence and other cutting-edge technologies.
“Some of the recent intelligence collection has been for military purposes or preparing for some future cyber conflict, but a lot of the recent theft is driven by the demands of the five-year plan and other technology strategies,” said Adam Segal, the director of the cyberspace program at the Council on Foreign Relations. 
“They always intended on coming back.”
Officials at the Chinese embassy in Washington did not respond to a request for comment.
Mr. Segal and other Chinese security experts said attacks that once would have been conducted by hackers in China’s People’s Liberation Army are now being run by China’s Ministry of State Security.
These hackers are better at covering their tracks. 
Rather than going at targets directly, they have used a side door of sorts by breaking into the networks of the targets’ suppliers. 
They have also avoided using malware commonly attributed to China, relying instead on encrypting traffic, erasing server logs and other obfuscation tactics.

Two Chinese who are suspected of participating in an extensive hacking campaign to steal data from American companies.

“The fingerprint of Chinese operations today is much different,” said Priscilla Moriuchi, who once ran the National Security Agency’s East Asia and Pacific cyber threats division. 
Her duties there included determining whether Beijing was abiding by the 2015 agreement’s terms. “These groups care about attribution. They don’t want to get caught.”
It is difficult to quantify the number of industrial-espionage attacks, in part because they have been designed mostly to steal strategic trade secrets, not the kind of personal information about customers and employees that companies must disclose. 
Only Airbus has acknowledged in recent weeks that Chinese hackers had penetrated its databases.
Many of the attacks by the Chinese Ministry of State Security have been against strategic targets like internet service providers with access to hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of corporate and government networks.
Last week, Ms. Moriuchi, who is now a threat director at the cybersecurity firm Recorded Future, released a report on a yearlong, stealth campaign by the Chinese to hack internet service providers in Western Europe and the United States and their customers.
The lone hacking target to publicly confront the Chinese was Visma, a Norwegian internet service provider with 850,000 customers. 
The goal of the attack on Visma was to gain broad access to its customers’ intellectual property, strategic plans and emails, including those of an American law firm that handles intellectual property matters for clients in the automotive, biomedical, pharmaceutical and tech sectors, according to Recorded Future.
The Visma attack was harder to trace than earlier incidents, which typically started with so-called spearphishing emails meant to steal personal credentials. 
This assault began with stolen credentials for a third-party software service, Citrix. 
And instead of using malware easily traced to China, the attackers used malware available on the so-called Dark Web that could have come from anywhere. 
They also used the online storage service Dropbox to move stolen emails and files.
Federal agencies are also trying to fend off new Iranian espionage campaigns.
After the Trump administration pulled out of the nuclear deal, Kirstjen Nielsen, the homeland security secretary, testified before Congress that her agency was “anticipating it’s a possibility” that Iran would resort to hacking attacks.

Stuart Davis, a director at a subsidiary of the security firm FireEye, which has attributed a recent wave of cyberattacks to Iranian hackers.

The Iranian attacks, which hit more than a half-dozen federal agencies last month, still caught the department off guard. 
Security researchers said the hacks, which exploited underlying weaknesses in the internet’s backbone, were continuing and were more damaging and widespread than agency officials had acknowledged.
Iranian hackers began their latest wave of attacks in Persian Gulf states last year. 
Since then, they have expanded to 80 targets — including internet service providers, telecommunications companies and government agencies — in 12 European countries and the United States, according to researchers at FireEye, which first reported the attacks last month.
The current hacks are harder to catch than previous Iranian attacks. 
Instead of hitting victims directly, FireEye researchers said, Iranian hackers have been going after the internet’s core routing system, intercepting traffic between so-called domain name registrars. 
Once they intercepted their target’s customer web traffic, they used stolen login credentials to gain access to their victims’ emails. (Domain name registrars hold the keys to hundreds, perhaps thousands, of companies’ websites.)
“They’re taking whole mailboxes of data,” said Benjamin Read, a senior manager of cyberespionage analysis at FireEye. 
Mr. Read said Iranian hackers had targeted police forces, intelligence agencies and foreign ministries, indicating a classic, state-backed espionage campaign rather than a criminal, profit-seeking motive.
There is a long history of Iranian attacks against the United States, and episodes from five years back or longer are just now being made public.
On Wednesday, the Justice Department announced an indictment against a former Air Force intelligence specialist, Monica Witt, on charges of helping Iran with an online espionage campaign. Four members of Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps were also charged with “computer intrusions and aggravated identity theft” directed at members of the United States intelligence community.
Also last week, the Treasury said it was putting sanctions on two Iranian companies, New Horizon Organization and Net Peygard Samavat Company, and several people linked to them. 
Treasury officials said New Horizon set up annual conferences where Iran could recruit and collect intelligence from foreign attendees.
Ms. Witt attended one of the conferences, the indictment says. 
Net Peygard used information she provided to begin a campaign in 2014 to track the online activities of United States government and military personnel, Treasury officials said.
Representatives for Iran’s Mission to the United Nations did not respond to requests for comment.
The recent Iranian attacks have unnerved American officials. 
But after issuing the emergency order about the ones last month, the Department of Homeland Security’s Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency has largely played them down.
An official with the cybersecurity agency said there was a belief that no information had been stolen and that the attacks had not “materially impacted” operations. 
But Mr. Read of FireEye and others said there had been a noticeable escalation in Iran’s digital espionage.
“If you tell the Iranians you’re going to walk out on the agreement and do everything you can to undermine their government,” said Mr. Brenner, the former counterintelligence official, “you can’t be surprised if they attack our government networks.”

jeudi 4 octobre 2018

The Big Hack: How China Used a Tiny Chip to Infiltrate U.S. Companies

The attack by Chinese spies reached almost 30 U.S. companies, including Amazon and Apple, by compromising America’s technology supply chain
By Jordan Robertson and Michael Riley

In 2015, Amazon.com Inc. began quietly evaluating a startup called Elemental Technologies, a potential acquisition to help with a major expansion of its streaming video service, known today as Amazon Prime Video. 
Based in Portland, Ore., Elemental made software for compressing massive video files and formatting them for different devices. 
Its technology had helped stream the Olympic Games online, communicate with the International Space Station, and funnel drone footage to the Central Intelligence Agency. 
Elemental’s national security contracts weren’t the main reason for the proposed acquisition, but they fit nicely with Amazon’s government businesses, such as the highly secure cloud that Amazon Web Services (AWS) was building for the CIA.
To help with due diligence, AWS, which was overseeing the prospective acquisition, hired a third-party company to scrutinize Elemental’s security, according to one person familiar with the process. The first pass uncovered troubling issues, prompting AWS to take a closer look at Elemental’s main product: the expensive servers that customers installed in their networks to handle the video compression. 
These servers were assembled for Elemental by Super Micro Computer Inc., a San Jose-based company (commonly known as Supermicro) that’s also one of the world’s biggest suppliers of server motherboards, the fiberglass-mounted clusters of chips and capacitors that act as the neurons of data centers large and small. 
In late spring of 2015, Elemental’s staff boxed up several servers and sent them to Ontario, Canada, for the third-party security company to test, the person says.

Featured in Bloomberg Businessweek, Oct. 8, 2018. 

Nested on the servers’ motherboards, the testers found a tiny microchip, not much bigger than a grain of rice, that wasn’t part of the boards’ original design. 
Amazon reported the discovery to U.S. authorities, sending a shudder through the intelligence community. 
Elemental’s servers could be found in Department of Defense data centers, the CIA’s drone operations, and the onboard networks of Navy warships. 
And Elemental was just one of hundreds of Supermicro customers.
During the ensuing top-secret probe, which remains open more than three years later, investigators determined that the chips allowed the attackers to create a stealth doorway into any network that included the altered machines. 
Investigators found that the chips had been inserted at factories run by manufacturing subcontractors in China.
This attack was something graver than the software-based incidents the world has grown accustomed to seeing. 
Hardware hacks are more difficult to pull off and potentially more devastating, promising the kind of long-term, stealth access that spy agencies are willing to invest millions of dollars and many years to get.

“Having a well-done, nation-state-level hardware implant surface would be like witnessing a unicorn jumping over a rainbow”

There are two ways for spies to alter the guts of computer equipment. 
One, known as interdiction, consists of manipulating devices as they’re in transit from manufacturer to customer. 
This approach is favored by U.S. spy agencies, according to documents leaked by former National Security Agency contractor Edward Snowden
The other method involves seeding changes from the very beginning.
One country in particular has an advantage executing this kind of attack: China, which by some estimates makes 75 percent of the world’s mobile phones and 90 percent of its PCs. 
Still, to actually accomplish a seeding attack would mean developing a deep understanding of a product’s design, manipulating components at the factory, and ensuring that the doctored devices made it through the global logistics chain to the desired location—a feat akin to throwing a stick in the Yangtze River upstream from Shanghai and ensuring that it washes ashore in Seattle. 
“Having a well-done, nation-state-level hardware implant surface would be like witnessing a unicorn jumping over a rainbow,” says Joe Grand, a hardware hacker and the founder of Grand Idea Studio Inc. 
“Hardware is just so far off the radar, it’s almost treated like black magic.”
But that’s just what U.S. investigators found: The chips had been inserted during the manufacturing process by operatives from a unit of the People’s Liberation Army. 
In Supermicro, China’s spies have found a perfect conduit for the most significant supply chain attack known to have been carried out against American companies.
Investigators found that it eventually affected almost 30 companies, including a major bank, government contractors, and the world’s most valuable company, Apple Inc. 
Apple was an important Supermicro customer and had planned to order more than 30,000 of its servers in two years for a new global network of data centers. 
Three senior insiders at Apple say that in the summer of 2015, it, too, found malicious chips on Supermicro motherboards. 
Apple severed ties with Supermicro the following year, for what it described as unrelated reasons.
“We remain unaware of any investigation,” wrote a spokesman for Supermicro, Perry Hayes. 
The Chinese government didn’t directly address questions about manipulation of Supermicro servers, issuing a statement that read, in part, “Supply chain safety in cyberspace is an issue of common concern, and China is also a victim.” 
The FBI and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, representing the CIA and NSA, declined to comment.
The companies’ denials are countered by six current and former senior national security officials, who—in conversations that began during the Obama administration and continued under the Trump administration—detailed the discovery of the chips and the government’s investigation. 
One of those officials and two people inside AWS provided extensive information on how the attack played out at Elemental and Amazon; the official and one of the insiders also described Amazon’s cooperation with the government investigation. 
In addition to the three Apple insiders, four of the six U.S. officials confirmed that Apple was a victim. 
In all, 17 people confirmed the manipulation of Supermicro’s hardware and other elements of the attacks. 
The sources were granted anonymity because of the sensitive, and in some cases classified, nature of the information.
China’s goal was long-term access to high-value corporate secrets and sensitive government networks. 
No consumer data is known to have been stolen.
The ramifications of the attack continue to play out. 
The Trump administration has made computer and networking hardware, including motherboards, a focus of its latest round of trade sanctions against China, and White House officials have made it clear they think companies will begin shifting their supply chains to other countries as a result. 
Such a shift might assuage officials who have been warning for years about the security of the supply chain—even though they’ve never disclosed a major reason for their concerns.
Back in 2006, three engineers in Oregon had a clever idea. 
Demand for mobile video was about to explode, and they predicted that broadcasters would be desperate to transform programs designed to fit TV screens into the various formats needed for viewing on smartphones, laptops, and other devices. 
To meet the anticipated demand, the engineers started Elemental Technologies, assembling what one former adviser to the company calls a genius team to write code that would adapt the superfast graphics chips being produced for high-end video-gaming machines. 
The resulting software dramatically reduced the time it took to process large video files. 
Elemental then loaded the software onto custom-built servers emblazoned with its leprechaun-green logos.
Elemental servers sold for as much as $100,000 each, at profit margins of as high as 70 percent, according to a former adviser to the company. 
Two of Elemental’s biggest early clients were the Mormon church, which used the technology to beam sermons to congregations around the world, and the adult film industry, which did not.
Elemental also started working with American spy agencies. 
In 2009 the company announced a development partnership with In-Q-Tel Inc., the CIA’s investment arm, a deal that paved the way for Elemental servers to be used in national security missions across the U.S. government. 
Public documents, including the company’s own promotional materials, show that the servers have been used inside Department of Defense data centers to process drone and surveillance-camera footage, on Navy warships to transmit feeds of airborne missions, and inside government buildings to enable secure videoconferencing. 
NASA, both houses of Congress, and the Department of Homeland Security have also been customers. 
This portfolio made Elemental a target for Chinese spies.
Supermicro had been an obvious choice to build Elemental’s servers. 
Headquartered north of San Jose’s airport, up a smoggy stretch of Interstate 880, the company was founded by Charles Liang, a Taiwanese engineer who attended graduate school in Texas and then moved west to start Supermicro with his wife in 1993. 
Silicon Valley was then embracing outsourcing, forging a pathway from Taiwanese, and later Chinese, factories to American consumers, and Liang added a comforting advantage: Supermicro’s motherboards would be engineered mostly in San Jose, close to the company’s biggest clients, even if the products were manufactured overseas.
Today, Supermicro sells more server motherboards than almost anyone else. 
It also dominates the $1 billion market for boards used in special-purpose computers, from MRI machines to weapons systems. 
Its motherboards can be found in made-to-order server setups at banks, hedge funds, cloud computing providers, and web-hosting services, among other places. 
Supermicro has assembly facilities in California, the Netherlands, and Taiwan, but its motherboards—its core product—are all manufactured by contractors in China.
The company’s pitch to customers hinges on unmatched customization, made possible by hundreds of full-time engineers and a catalog encompassing more than 600 designs. 
The majority of its workforce in San Jose is Taiwanese or Chinese, and Mandarin is the preferred language, with hanzi filling the whiteboards, according to six former employees. 
Chinese pastries are delivered every week, and many routine calls are done twice, once for English-only workers and again in Mandarin. 
The latter are more productive, according to people who’ve been on both. 
These overseas ties, especially the widespread use of Mandarin, would have made it easier for China to gain an understanding of Supermicro’s operations and to infiltrate the company. (A U.S. official says the government’s probe is still examining whether Chinese spies were planted inside Supermicro and other American companies to aid the attack.)
With more than 900 customers in 100 countries by 2015, Supermicro offered inroads to a bountiful collection of sensitive targets. 
“Think of Supermicro as the Microsoft of the hardware world,” says a former U.S. intelligence official who’s studied Supermicro and its business model. 
“Attacking Supermicro motherboards is like attacking Windows. It’s like attacking the whole world.”

The security of the global technology supply chain had been compromised, even if consumers and most companies didn’t know it yet

Well before evidence of the attack surfaced inside the networks of U.S. companies, American intelligence sources were reporting that China’s spies had plans to introduce malicious microchips into the supply chain. 
The sources weren’t specific, according to a person familiar with the information they provided, and millions of motherboards are shipped into the U.S. annually. 
But in the first half of 2014, a different person briefed on high-level discussions says, intelligence officials went to the White House with something more concrete: China’s military was preparing to insert the chips into Supermicro motherboards bound for U.S. companies.
The specificity of the information was remarkable, but so were the challenges it posed. 
Issuing a broad warning to Supermicro’s customers could have crippled the company, a major American hardware maker, and it wasn’t clear from the intelligence whom the operation was targeting or what its ultimate aims were. 
Plus, without confirmation that anyone had been attacked, the FBI was limited in how it could respond. 
The White House requested periodic updates as information came in, the person familiar with the discussions says.
Apple made its discovery of suspicious chips inside Supermicro servers around May 2015, after detecting odd network activity and firmware problems, according to a person familiar with the timeline. 
Two of the senior Apple insiders say the company reported the incident to the FBI but kept details about what it had detected tightly held, even internally. 
Government investigators were still chasing clues on their own when Amazon made its discovery and gave them access to sabotaged hardware, according to one U.S. official. 
This created an invaluable opportunity for intelligence agencies and the FBI—by then running a full investigation led by its cyber- and counterintelligence teams—to see what the chips looked like and how they worked.
The chips on Elemental servers were designed to be as inconspicuous as possible, according to one person who saw a detailed report prepared for Amazon by its third-party security contractor, as well as a second person who saw digital photos and X-ray images of the chips incorporated into a later report prepared by Amazon’s security team. 
Gray or off-white in color, they looked more like signal conditioning couplers, another common motherboard component, than microchips, and so they were unlikely to be detectable without specialized equipment. 
Depending on the board model, the chips varied slightly in size, suggesting that the Chinese had supplied different factories with different batches.
Officials familiar with the investigation say the primary role of implants such as these is to open doors that other attackers can go through. 
“Hardware attacks are about access,” as one former senior official puts it. 
In simplified terms, the implants on Supermicro hardware manipulated the core operating instructions that tell the server what to do as data move across a motherboard.
This happened at a crucial moment, as small bits of the operating system were being stored in the board’s temporary memory en route to the server’s central processor, the CPU. 
The implant was placed on the board in a way that allowed it to effectively edit this information queue, injecting its own code or altering the order of the instructions the CPU was meant to follow. Deviously small changes could create disastrous effects.
Since the implants were small, the amount of code they contained was small as well. 
But they were capable of doing two very important things: telling the device to communicate with one of several anonymous computers elsewhere on the internet that were loaded with more complex code; and preparing the device’s operating system to accept this new code. 
The illicit chips could do all this because they were connected to the baseboard management controller, a kind of superchip that administrators use to remotely log in to problematic servers, giving them access to the most sensitive code even on machines that have crashed or are turned off.
This system could let the attackers alter how the device functioned, line by line, however they wanted, leaving no one the wiser. 
To understand the power that would give them, take this hypothetical example: Somewhere in the Linux operating system, which runs in many servers, is code that authorizes a user by verifying a typed password against a stored encrypted one. 
An implanted chip can alter part of that code so the server won’t check for a password—and presto! A secure machine is open to any and all users. 
A chip can also steal encryption keys for secure communications, block security updates that would neutralize the attack, and open up new pathways to the internet. 
Should some anomaly be noticed, it would likely be cast as an unexplained oddity. 
“The hardware opens whatever door it wants,” says Joe FitzPatrick, founder of Hardware Security Resources LLC, a company that trains cybersecurity professionals in hardware hacking techniques.
U.S. officials had caught China experimenting with hardware tampering before, but they’d never seen anything of this scale and ambition. 
The security of the global technology supply chain had been compromised, even if consumers and most companies didn’t know it yet. 
What remained for investigators to learn was how the attackers had so thoroughly infiltrated Supermicro’s production process—and how many doors they’d opened into American targets.
Unlike software-based hacks, hardware manipulation creates a real-world trail. 
Components leave a wake of shipping manifests and invoices. 
Boards have serial numbers that trace to specific factories. 
To track the corrupted chips to their source, U.S. intelligence agencies began following Supermicro’s serpentine supply chain in reverse, a person briefed on evidence gathered during the probe says.
As recently as 2016, according to DigiTimes, a news site specializing in supply chain research, Supermicro had three primary manufacturers constructing its motherboards, two headquartered in Taiwan and one in Shanghai. 
When such suppliers are choked with big orders, they sometimes parcel out work to subcontractors. In order to get further down the trail, U.S. spy agencies drew on the prodigious tools at their disposal. They sifted through communications intercepts, tapped informants in Taiwan and China, even tracked key individuals through their phones, according to the person briefed on evidence gathered during the probe. 
Eventually, they traced the malicious chips to four subcontracting factories that had been building Supermicro motherboards for at least two years.
As the agents monitored interactions among Chinese officials, motherboard manufacturers, and middlemen, they glimpsed how the seeding process worked. 
In some cases, plant managers were approached by people who claimed to represent Supermicro or who held positions suggesting a connection to the government. 
The middlemen would request changes to the motherboards’ original designs, initially offering bribes in conjunction with their unusual requests. 
If that didn’t work, they threatened factory managers with inspections that could shut down their plants. 
Once arrangements were in place, the middlemen would organize delivery of the chips to the factories.
The investigators concluded that this intricate scheme was the work of a People’s Liberation Army unit specializing in hardware attacks.
The existence of this group has never been revealed before, but one official says, “We’ve been tracking these guys for longer than we’d like to admit.” 
The unit is believed to focus on high-priority targets, including advanced commercial technology and the computers of rival militaries. 
In past attacks, it targeted the designs for high-performance computer chips and computing systems of large U.S. internet providers.
The Supermicro attack was on another order entirely from earlier episodes attributed to the PLA. 
It threatened to have reached a dizzying array of end users, with some vital ones in the mix. 
Apple, for its part, has used Supermicro hardware in its data centers sporadically for years, but the relationship intensified after 2013, when Apple acquired a startup called Topsy Labs, which created superfast technology for indexing and searching vast troves of internet content. 
By 2014, the startup was put to work building small data centers in or near major global cities. 
This project, known internally as Ledbelly, was designed to make the search function for Apple’s voice assistant, Siri, faster, according to the three senior Apple insiders.
Documents seen by Businessweek show that in 2014, Apple planned to order more than 6,000 Supermicro servers for installation in 17 locations, including Amsterdam, Chicago, Hong Kong, Los Angeles, New York, San Jose, Singapore, and Tokyo, plus 4,000 servers for its existing North Carolina and Oregon data centers. 
Those orders were supposed to double, to 20,000, by 2015. 
Ledbelly made Apple an important Supermicro customer at the exact same time the PLA was found to be manipulating the vendor’s hardware.
Project delays and early performance problems meant that around 7,000 Supermicro servers were humming in Apple’s network by the time the company’s security team found the added chips. Because Apple didn’t provide government investigators with access to its facilities or the tampered hardware, the extent of the attack there remained outside their view.

Microchips found on altered motherboards in some cases looked like signal conditioning couplers.

American investigators eventually figured out who else had been hit. 
Since the implanted chips were designed to ping anonymous computers on the internet for further instructions, operatives could hack those computers to identify others who’d been affected. 
Although the investigators couldn’t be sure they’d found every victim, a person familiar with the U.S. probe says they ultimately concluded that the number was almost 30 companies.
That left the question of whom to notify and how. 
U.S. officials had been warning for years that hardware made by two Chinese telecommunications giants, Huawei Corp. and ZTE Corp., was subject to Chinese government manipulation. 
But a similar public alert regarding a U.S. company was out of the question. 
Instead, officials reached out to a small number of important Supermicro customers. 
One executive of a large web-hosting company says the message he took away from the exchange was clear: Supermicro’s hardware couldn’t be trusted. 
“That’s been the nudge to everyone—get that crap out,” the person says.
Amazon, for its part, began acquisition talks with an Elemental competitor, but according to one person familiar with Amazon’s deliberations, it reversed course in the summer of 2015 after learning that Elemental’s board was nearing a deal with another buyer. 
Amazon announced its acquisition of Elemental in September 2015, in a transaction whose value one person familiar with the deal places at $350 million. 
Multiple sources say that Amazon intended to move Elemental’s software to AWS’s cloud, whose chips, motherboards, and servers are typically designed in-house and built by factories that Amazon contracts from directly.
A notable exception was AWS’s data centers inside China, which were filled with Supermicro-built servers, according to two people with knowledge of AWS’s operations there. 
Mindful of the Elemental findings, Amazon’s security team conducted its own investigation into AWS’s Beijing facilities and found altered motherboards there as well, including more sophisticated designs than they’d previously encountered. 
In one case, the malicious chips were thin enough that they’d been embedded between the layers of fiberglass onto which the other components were attached.
That generation of chips was smaller than a sharpened pencil tip, the person says.
China has long been known to monitor banks, manufacturers, and ordinary citizens on its own soil, and the main customers of AWS’s China cloud were domestic companies or foreign entities with operations there. 
Still, the fact that the country appeared to be conducting those operations inside Amazon’s cloud presented the company with a Gordian knot. 
Its security team determined that it would be difficult to quietly remove the equipment and that, even if they could devise a way, doing so would alert the attackers that the chips had been found, according to a person familiar with the company’s probe. 
Instead, the team developed a method of monitoring the chips. 
In the ensuing months, they detected brief check-in communications between the attackers and the sabotaged servers but didn’t see any attempts to remove data. 
That likely meant either that the attackers were saving the chips for a later operation or that they’d infiltrated other parts of the network before the monitoring began. 
Neither possibility was reassuring.
When in 2016 the Chinese government was about to pass a new cybersecurity law—seen by many outside the country as a pretext to give authorities wider access to sensitive data—Amazon decided to act, the person familiar with the company’s probe says. 
In August it transferred operational control of its Beijing data center to its local partner, Beijing Sinnet, a move the companies said was needed to comply with the incoming law. 
The following November, Amazon sold the entire infrastructure to Beijing Sinnet for about $300 million. 
The person familiar with Amazon’s probe casts the sale as a choice to “hack off the diseased limb.”
As for Apple, one of the three senior insiders says that in the summer of 2015, a few weeks after it identified the malicious chips, the company started removing all Supermicro servers from its data centers, a process Apple referred to internally as “going to zero.” 
Every Supermicro server, all 7,000 or so, was replaced in a matter of weeks, the senior insider says. 
In 2016, Apple informed Supermicro that it was severing their relationship entirely—a decision a spokesman for Apple ascribed in response to Businessweek’s questions to an unrelated and relatively minor security incident.
That August, Supermicro’s CEO, Liang, revealed that the company had lost two major customers. Although he didn’t name them, one was later identified in news reports as Apple. 
He blamed competition, but his explanation was vague. 
“When customers asked for lower price, our people did not respond quickly enough,” he said on a conference call with analysts. 
Hayes, the Supermicro spokesman, says the company has never been notified of the existence of malicious chips on its motherboards by either customers or U.S. law enforcement.
Concurrent with the illicit chips’ discovery in 2015 and the unfolding investigation, Supermicro has been plagued by an accounting problem, which the company characterizes as an issue related to the timing of certain revenue recognition. 
After missing two deadlines to file quarterly and annual reports required by regulators, Supermicro was delisted from the Nasdaq on Aug. 23 of this year. 
It marked an extraordinary stumble for a company whose annual revenue had risen sharply in the previous four years, from a reported $1.5 billion in 2014 to a projected $3.2 billion this year.
One Friday in late September 2015, President Barack Obama and Chinese dictator Xi Jinping appeared together at the White House for an hourlong press conference headlined by a landmark deal on cybersecurity. 
After months of negotiations, the U.S. had extracted from China a grand promise: It would no longer support the theft by hackers of U.S. intellectual property to benefit Chinese companies. 
Left out of those pronouncements, according to a person familiar with discussions among senior officials across the U.S. government, was the White House’s deep concern that China was willing to offer this concession because it was already developing far more advanced and surreptitious forms of hacking founded on its near monopoly of the technology supply chain.
In the weeks after the agreement was announced, the U.S. government quietly raised the alarm with several dozen tech executives and investors at a small, invite-only meeting in McLean, Va., organized by the Pentagon. 
According to someone who was present, Defense Department officials briefed the technologists on a recent attack and asked them to think about creating commercial products that could detect hardware implants. 
Attendees weren’t told the name of the hardware maker involved, but it was clear to at least some in the room that it was Supermicro, the person says.
The problem under discussion wasn’t just technological. 
It spoke to decisions made decades ago to send advanced production work to Southeast Asia. 
In the intervening years, low-cost Chinese manufacturing had come to underpin the business models of many of America’s largest technology companies. 
Early on, Apple, for instance, made many of its most sophisticated electronics domestically. 
Then in 1992, it closed a state-of-the-art plant for motherboard and computer assembly in Fremont, Calif., and sent much of that work overseas.
Over the decades, the security of the supply chain became an article of faith despite repeated warnings by Western officials. 
A naive belief formed that China was unlikely to jeopardize its position as workshop to the world by letting its spies meddle in its factories. 
That left the decision about where to build commercial systems resting largely on where capacity was greatest and cheapest. 
“You end up with a classic Satan’s bargain,” one former U.S. official says. 
“You can have less supply than you want and guarantee it’s secure, or you can have the supply you need, but there will be risk. Every organization has accepted the second proposition.”
In the three years since the briefing in McLean, no commercially viable way to detect attacks like the one on Supermicro’s motherboards has emerged—or has looked likely to emerge. 
Few companies have the resources of Apple and Amazon, and it took some luck even for them to spot the problem. 
“This stuff is at the cutting edge of the cutting edge, and there is no easy technological solution,” one of the people present in McLean says. 
“You have to invest in things that the world wants. You cannot invest in things that the world is not ready to accept yet.”

mardi 7 août 2018

America Should Oppose China’s Economic Gangsterism

Beijing is forcing U.S. companies to not mention Taiwan. This has to change.
By Doug Bandow 



China’s escape from the Cultural Revolution and adoption of markets were expected to yield a double benefit for the West. 
Chinese economic growth would both fuel global development and moderate Beijing’s political objectives. 
Over time the People’s Republic of China would become deeply and firmly integrated in the international order, and economic liberty would encourage political reform.
But that isn’t the result we see today from the PRC’s transformation. 
Xi’s government is headed for personal dictatorship and totalitarian control. 
Presidential term limits are gone, Western values are vilified, censorship is intensified, surveillance is expanded, political education is revived and controls over private companies are multiplied. 
East Turkestan suffers under nightmarish repression. 
A system of “social credit” brings to mind 1984 as Beijing will be empowered to target any of 1.3 billion people for behavior deemed threatening or simply inappropriate. 
For instance, someone who even hints that they desire democracy or liberty won’t be able to purchase a train ticket.
No longer is the PRC satisfied with oppressing its own people. 
The central government is extending its control over Hong Kong, a supposedly autonomous Special Administrative Region. 
Xi’s government also is intensifying pressure on Taiwan, with the objective of swallowing the effectively independent state.
Perhaps even more problematic for the United States, Beijing is using its economic clout to conscript American firms as part of the PRC’s political campaigns. 
China long traded access to its market for access to Western technology. 
But Xi Jinping has added a new dimension, threatening to penalize foreign firms which do not help isolate Taiwan by treating the island nation as if it was part of China.
Beijing long has insisted on a “One China” policy when it comes to diplomatic recognition. 
Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist government, defeated by the Chinese Communist Party on the mainland, moved to the island of Taiwan, from which Kai-shek’s Republic of China claimed to be the rightful government for all of China. 
Few believed this fiction, but Washington encouraged countries to try to quarantine the new communist regime.
The Soviet Union was the first country to recognize the PRC after Mao Zedong declared the new nation on October 1, 1949. 
Moscow’s Eastern European satellites followed. 
India was the first non-communist nation to recognize Beijing. 
Switzerland was the first Western state to do so.
The PRC picked up additional recognitions at a modest rate, which accelerated with Africa’s decolonization. 
After Washington allowed the PRC to take over the “China” seat at the UN in October 1971, many Western governments shifted their recognition to Beijing. 
The United States finally did so in 1979. 
Furthermore, in recent years an ever-wealthier PRC competed with Taiwan in checkbook diplomacy and won over many of the small nations which once favored the ROC. 
The Dominican Republic was the latest defector, switching its recognition to Beijing in May. 
Only nineteen countries still recognize Taiwan, and that number is likely to continue to dwindle.
However, commerce was largely unaffected. 
Although the PRC surpassed its competitor economically, the island remains a significant economic player. 
Trade and investment flow both ways. 
Even, notably, to and from China, despite Taiwanese fears of being effectively absorbed by the PRC.
But now Beijing is demanding that Western firms essentially recognize only China when it comes to business. 
Although Xi’s government as has not yet sought to interfere with trade and investment per se, it is demanding that service companies treat Taiwan as part of China. 
This would further intensify pressure on the only ethnic Chinese territory which actually is free and democratic.
JW Marriott suffered the PRC’s ire when the firm sent out a customer survey which treated Taiwan (as well as Hong Kong, Macau, and Tibet) as separate companies. 
The company’s Chinese language websites were temporarily closed while firm management groveled and apologized. 
Said CEO Arne Sorenson: “Marriott International respects and supports the sovereignty and territorial integrity of China.” 
Of course.
This set off a corporate rush to scrub websites to avoid Chinese criticism. 
That only whet Beijing’s appetite. 
Xi’s government then demanded that forty-four global airlines treat Taiwan as part of “China,” threatening unspecified sanctions if they did not. 
Most folded. 
Last week U.S. hold-outs American, Delta, and United also complied, sort of. 
They dropped any national designation for Taipei. 
However, Beijing insisted that the half-step still fell short. 
What happens next is anyone’s guess.
As this controversy developed, the Trump administration denounced China’s demand as “Orwellian nonsense,” but Beijing refused to discuss the issue with Washington. 
Although it is tempting for U.S. officials to stay out of an issue that looks purely private, America is necessarily affected by the PRC’s use of economic wealth generated through business with America to force political gains. 
The airline websites are just the start of Beijing’s economic extortion. 
The Trump administration should consider how to respond to similar future demands.
It is not enough for Washington to offer rhetorical support for U.S. firms. 
That won’t make up for fines or lost revenue. 
Washington should consider retaliation. 
The best targets would be Chinese state enterprises or private firms with significant state support. America should explain that the issue is not Taiwan’s status, but attempts to turn American firms into Chinese geopolitical weapons.
The administration should add to its negotiation list the PRC’s efforts to dragoon Western companies into political campaigns. 
To better achieve this objective, Washington should approach Asian and European governments in an attempt to forge a united negotiating front.
Those who are currently asking “who lost China” are repeating the same mistake of 1949. 
Neither Nationalist nor Communist China was America’s to lose. 
However, Xi’s government is moving in a significantly negative direction at ever greater speed.
On its own, foreign corporate references to Taiwan are a minor issue. 
Allowing Beijing to use its economic power for political gain is something much more, however. 
No longer can the West simply assume the inevitable benefits of Chinese growth. 
Nations committed to a liberal, capitalist, and democratic order should marshal their resources in response.

vendredi 3 février 2017

Expert: Trump must be firm, strong in China dealings

Chinese companies can own companies outright in the United States, but that's not the case for U.S. companies in China
By Eric D. Lawrence

An expert on China's impact on the U.S. auto industry might agree with President Donald Trump's strong stance on dealing with China, at least when it comes to trade.
Michael Dunne, author of "American Wheels, Chinese Roads," offers some advice for Trump:
"Be very strong and very firm," Dunne said today during an Automotive Press Association luncheon at the Detroit Athletic Club. 
The "Chinese respect when you are strong and firm."
Dunne said reciprocity should be the rule in negotiating trade deals.
"We should have equal access in each market. Today that's not the case," Dunne said, describing the differences U.S. and Chinese companies face in the other country's markets.
Chinese companies can own companies outright in the U.S., but that's not the case for U.S. companies in China. 
Among the hurdles for American companies in China is the requirement that they form a joint venture with a Chinese company, and the U.S. companies are not allowed to own more than 50% of the new entity.
Such requirements along with extra costs associated with exporting to China are unique and should not be accepted, Dunne said, noting that if China doesn't open its market to the U.S., then the U.S. should impose similar joint-venture requirements on Chinese companies.
“India doesn’t have it, Russia doesn’t have it, no other country has it," he said. 
“We should be able to control our own destiny in China with our business."
Not all differences, however, relate to trade deals.
Dunne said Chinese businesspeople like to ease into business discussions because they want to feel comfortable with potential partners.
He said he had once been given advice to take Chinese business people to a nice dinner on the first day of a multiday business trip here. 
By the second day, business could be discussed, but plowing immediately into business discussions was not advised.
Dunne described how China's dealings with foreign companies had changed over the years, from one in which foreign companies had advantages early on to today, in which the Chinese have the advantages at home.
The goal of the country's political leadership had been to build a huge home market and protect it.
As China's annual vehicle sales have grown from 2 million in 2000 to 27.5 million in 2016, imports represent less than 4% of that total.
By 2020, Dunne said, there would be more cars in China than in the U.S.
"What's sold in China is built in China," Dunne said.
As these changes have occurred, China's investments in the U.S. have grown dramatically as well. Dunne said that from 2010-16, Chinese entities had invested $5 billion in the Midwest supplier base. He noted that the Chinese already have a presence here, referencing Beijing West Industries, which, according to Crain's Detroit Business, acquired Delphi's global brake and suspension business in 2009.
The company is currently involved in vehicle testing in Milford.
In California, where Dunne lives, six companies with Chinese connections have located, with ambitions to build high-end, electric and autonomous vehicles.
He noted that Faraday Future, which is based in Gardena, is connected to a Chinese billionaire who runs the "Netflix of China."
The company says it has created the world's quickest electric car.
And further disruption is coming through the production of cars being built in China for shipment back to the U.S.
The Free Press had previously reported on plans to sell Buick's Chinese-made Envision crossover in the U.S.
Nothing about that vehicle suggests it was built in China, Dunne noted.

jeudi 17 novembre 2016

U.S. panel urges ban on China state firms buying U.S. companies

By David Lawder and Denny Thomas | WASHINGTON/HONG KONG

U.S. lawmakers should take action to ban China's state-owned firms from acquiring U.S. companies, a congressional panel charged with monitoring security and trade links between Washington and Beijing said on Wednesday.
In its annual report to Congress, the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission said the Chinese Communist Party has used state-backed enterprises as the primary economic tool to advance and achieve its national security objectives.
The report recommended Congress prohibit U.S. acquisitions by such entities by changing the mandate of CFIUS, the U.S. government body that conducts security reviews of proposed acquisitions by foreign firms.
"The Commission recommends Congress amend the statute authorizing the Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS) to bar Chinese state-owned enterprises from acquiring or otherwise gaining effective control of U.S. companies," the report said.
CFIUS, led by the U.S. Treasury and with representatives from eight other agencies, including the departments of Defense, State and Homeland Security, now has veto power over acquisitions from foreign private and state-controlled firms if it finds that a deal would threaten U.S. national security or critical infrastructure.
If enacted, the panel's recommendation would essentially create a blanket ban on U.S. purchases by Chinese state-owned enterprises.
The report "has again revealed the commission's stereotypes and prejudices," Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Geng Shuang said in Beijing.
"We ask that Chinese companies investing abroad abide by local laws and regulations, and we hope that relevant countries will create a level playing field," he told a daily news briefing.

EXTRA WEIGHT
The panel's report is purely advisory, but could carry extra weight this year because they come as President-elect Donald Trump's transition team is formulating its trade and foreign policy agenda and vetting candidates for key economic and security positions.
Congress also could be more receptive, after U.S. voter sentiment against job losses to China and Mexico helped Republicans retain control of both the House and the Senate in last week's election.
Trump strongly criticized China throughout the U.S. election campaign, grabbing headlines with his pledges to slap 45 percent tariffs on imported Chinese goods and to label the country a currency manipulator on his first day in office.
"Chinese state owned enterprises are arms of the Chinese state," Dennis Shea, chairman of the U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission, told a news conference.
"We don't want the U.S. government purchasing companies in the United States, why would we want the Chinese Communist government purchasing companies in the United States?"
The recommendation to change laws governing CFIUS was one of 20 proposals the panel made to Congress. 
On the military side, it called for a government investigation into how far outsourcing to China has weakened the U.S. defense industry.
The 16-year-old panel also said Congress should pass legislation that would require its pre-approval of any move by the U.S. Commerce Department to declare China a "market economy" and limit anti-dumping tariffs against the country.
The United States and U.S. businesses attracted a record $64.5 billion worth of deals involving buyers from mainland China this year, more than any other country targeted by Chinese buyers, according to Thomson Reuters data.
The push into the United States is part of a global overseas buying spree by Chinese companies that this year has seen a record $200 billion worth of deals, nearly double last year's tally.
CFIUS has shown a higher degree of activism against Chinese buyers this year, catching some by surprise. 
Prominent deals that fell victim to CFIUS include Tsinghua Holdings' $3.8 billion investment in Western Digital.
Overall, data do not demonstrate CFIUS has been a significant obstacle for Chinese investment in the United States. 
In 2014, the latest year for which data is available, China topped the list of foreign countries in CFIUS review with 24 deals reviewed out of more than 100 scrutinized by CFIUS.
Although the number of Chinese transactions reviewed rose in absolute terms, it fell as a share of overall Chinese acquisitions, the report noted, and the vast majority of deals reviewed by CFIUS were cleared.