Affichage des articles dont le libellé est Kenya. Afficher tous les articles
Affichage des articles dont le libellé est Kenya. Afficher tous les articles

vendredi 28 juin 2019

China's Debt Traps

China's ambition dealt blow ahead of G20 as Tanzania and Kenya projects grind to halt
By Sophia Yan

The hopes of China’s dictator Xi Jinping to play a more assertive role on the world stage were under pressure on Thursday as he headed to the G20 summit amid a trade war with the US and blows to his flagship Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).
Eleven, who has reversed years of foreign policy caution, landed in Osaka amid reports that Tanzania had suspended a port project and Kenya halted construction on a coal power plant, dealing a major blow to Beijing’s ambitions in Africa.
The port in the Tanzanian town of Bagamoyo was worth $10bn and would have been the largest in east Africa.
But financing terms presented by the Chinese were “exploitative and awkward,” said John Magufuli, Tanzania’s president.
“They want us to give them a guarantee of 33 years and a lease of 99 years, and we should not question whoever comes to invest there once the port is operational,” said Mr Magufuli. 
“They want to take the land as their own but we have to compensate them for drilling construction of that port.” When Xi launched the BRI in 2013, developing nations enthusiastically signed on for loans to fund big projects that would set them on the path to prosperity. 
But six years on new governments are starting to cancel and renegotiate contracts given the weight of Chinese debt, casting doubt on the $1 trillion initiative set to inaugurate a new ‘Silk Road’.
Sri Lanka’s Hambantota port was a cautionary tale for many. 
After the country struggled to pay up on billions in debt, Beijing used hardball tactics to acquire a 99 year lease to the port in exchange for loan forgiveness.
The case was a stunning example of what critics had long feared – that the Belt and Road project amounted to a debt trap for weak countries around the world. 
It sparked worries China would again leverage similar defaults elsewhere to acquire key infrastructure assets; last year, the Zambian government even had to deny rumours it was planning to hand over control of major public assets.
On Wednesday a court in Kenya also halted plans for the construction of a $2 billion Chinese-backed coal power plant near the island town of Lamu, a UNESCO World Heritage site famed for its twisting alleyways and stunning coastline.
The plant, which activists say would have increased Kenya's greenhouse gas emissions by 700 percent, was cancelled after judges ruled the environmental assessment was inadequate.
Other African projects, including massive rail construction projects in Ethiopia and Kenya, have also come under scrutiny, leading China to write-off some loans.
Meanwhile Beijing is facing enormous protests in Hong Kong against a law that would extradite suspects to face trial in the mainland, where the Communist Party controls the courts. 
On Thursday hundreds of protesters in Hong Kong rallied outside the offices of the justice secretary, blocking roads as they called for the extradition bill to be dropped for good. 
Carrie Lam, the city’s chief executive, suspended it indefinitely after one million residents took to the streets decrying a power grab by Beijing.
The protesters have appealed for world powers to raise the plight of Hong Kong at the G20, although Chinese officials have already warned they will not discuss the matter.
Instead, Xi is slated to meet Donald Trump on Saturday as the US demands economic reform in return for the lifting of tariffs on roughly $200 billion of Chinese goods.
Mr Trump, officials said, was hopeful for some kind of accord as his 2020 re-election hopes hinge on a strong economy.
According to the Wall Street Journal, Xi will request that the US end its block on the sale of US technology to Huawei, and drop the demand for Beijing to buy even more American exports than it agreed to when the sides met in December.
Analysts doubted the G20 would see an end to the dispute. 
On Wednesday Mr Trump said he was happy with the status quo. 
“They want a deal more than I do,” he told Fox News.

mardi 16 octobre 2018

Chinese boss: "Kenyans were like a monkey people"

Chinese Investment Brings Racism and Discrimination
By Joseph Goldstein

Richard Ochieng’, 26, at his home in Nairobi, Kenya. His Chinese boss called him and other Kenyans monkeys.

RUIRU, Kenya — Before last year, Richard Ochieng’, 26, could not recall experiencing racism firsthand.
Not while growing up as an orphan in his village near Lake Victoria where everybody was, like him, black.
Not while studying at a university in another part of Kenya.
Not until his job search led him to Ruiru, a fast-growing settlement at the edge of the capital, Nairobi, where Mr. Ochieng’ found work at a Chinese motorcycle company that had just expanded to Kenya.
But then his new boss, a Chinese man his own age, started calling him a monkey.
It happened when the two were on a sales trip and spotted a troop of baboons on the roadside, he said.
“‘Your brothers,’” he said his boss exclaimed, urging Mr. Ochieng’ to share some bananas with the primates.
And it happened again, he said, with his boss referring to all Kenyans as primates.
Humiliated and outraged, Mr. Ochieng’ decided to record one of his boss’s rants, catching him declaring that Kenyans were “like a monkey people.”
After his cellphone video circulated widely last month, the Kenyan authorities swiftly deported the boss back to China.
Instead of a tidy resolution, however, the episode has resonated with a growing anxiety in Kenya and set off a broader debate.
As the country embraces China’s expanding presence in the region, many Kenyans wonder whether the nation has unwittingly welcomed an influx of powerful foreigners who are shaping the country’s future — while also bringing racist attitudes with them.
It is a wrenching question for the nation, and one that many Kenyans, especially younger ones, did not expect to be confronting in the 21st century.
Kenya may have been a British colony, where white supremacy reigned and black people were forced to wear identification documents around their necks.
But it has been an independent nation since 1963, with a sense of pride that it is among the region’s most stable democracies.
Today, many younger Kenyans say that racism is a phenomenon they largely know indirectly, through history lessons and foreign news.
But episodes involving discriminatory behavior by the region’s growing Chinese work force have unsettled many Kenyans, particularly at a time when their government seeks closer ties with China.
An unfinished stretch of the Standard Gauge Railway, a 300-mile Chinese-built railroad between Nairobi and Mombasa.

“They are the ones with the capital, but as much as we want their money, we don’t want them to treat us like we are not human in our own country,” said David Kinyua, 30, who manages an industrial park in Ruiru that is home to several Chinese companies, including the motorcycle company where Mr. Ochieng’ works.
Over the last decade, China has lent money and erected infrastructure on a sweeping scale across Africa.
To pay for such projects, many African nations have borrowed from China or relied on natural resources like oil reserves.
And when tallying the cost, African nations have generally focused on their rising debts, or occasionally on the exploitative labor practices of some Chinese firms.
But here in Nairobi, concerns about racism and discrimination are a growing part of the conversation about China’s expanding presence.
In Nairobi, workers in their 20s and 30s swap stories of racism or discrimination they have witnessed. One described watching a Chinese manager slap her Kenyan colleague, who was also a woman, for a minor mistake.
Other Kenyan workers explained how their office bathrooms were separated by race: one for Chinese employees, the other for Kenyans.
Yet another Kenyan worker described how a Chinese manager directed his Kenyan employees to unclog a urinal of cigarette butts, even though only Chinese employees dared smoke inside.
The Chinese population in Kenya is difficult to count accurately, although one research group put the figure at around 40,000.
Many are here for just a few years, to work for one of hundreds of Chinese companies.
Many of the employees live together in large housing developments and are bussed back and forth from work, leaving little social interaction with Kenyans.
Silk Noodles, a Chinese restaurant in Nairobi, is in a group of Chinese storefronts popular with Chinese who live in the city.

“Because of the isolation and lack of integration, usually they are not very aware of the local situation,” said Hongxiang Huang, a Chinese conservationist and former journalist who has lived in Nairobi.
“They do not know very well how to interact with the outside world.”
And they arrive with hierarchical views of culture and race that tend to place Africans at the bottom, said Howard French, a former New York Times correspondent who wrote the 2014 book “China’s Second Continent,” which chronicles the lives of Chinese settlers in Africa.
Accusations of discrimination have even emerged on a major state-sponsored project: a 300-mile Chinese-built railroad between Nairobi and Mombasa.
The train has become a national symbol of both progress and Chinese-Kenyan cooperation, though positive reviews have at times been overshadowed by concern over its $4 billion price tag.
But in July, The Standard, a Kenyan newspaper, published a report describing an atmosphere of “neocolonialism” for Kenyan railway workers under Chinese management.
Some have been subjected to demeaning punishment, it said, while Kenyan engineers have been prevented from driving the train, except when journalists are present.
It was a particularly explosive claim because during the train’s maiden voyage, with President Uhuru Kenyatta on board, two Kenyan women drove the train to much fanfare.
In interviews with The New York Times, several current and former locomotive drivers agreed that only Chinese drivers got to operate the train, describing a range of racist behavior.
Cheering after President Uhuru Kenyatta flagged off a cargo train for its inaugural journey to Nairobi on the Chinese-built railway last year.

“‘With uniforms on, you won’t look like monkeys anymore,’” Fred Ndubi, 24, recalled his Chinese supervisors saying.
Two other workers with him offered the same account.
Mr. Ndubi, who has since left the railroad, said his family had sold about a quarter of its land so he could afford the training needed to become a train operator.
“We just stood there and asked him, ‘How can you call us monkeys?’” Mr. Ndubi recalled.
Sometimes, the racial controversies have unfolded in full public view.
Two years ago, a laundry detergent company in China ran a television commercial in which the detergent’s effectiveness was demonstrated by transforming a black man into a light-skinned Asian man. 
Last year, WeChat, the country’s popular messaging app, apologized after its software was found to translate the Chinese words for “black foreigner” into a racial slur in English.
This year, China’s televised Lunar New Year gala, estimated to reach 800 million viewers, included caricatures of Africans, with blackface and men in animal suits.
When asked about the controversy, China’s foreign ministry spokesman suggested that Western news organizations had blown the matter out of proportion in an effort to “sow discord in China’s relations with African countries.”
Mr. French, the author of “China’s Second Continent,” said that when it comes to Africa, China has had a tendency to dismiss criticism of its conduct by noting that the West, not China, fueled the slave trade and colonized the continent.
But that misses the point, Mr. French said, by ignoring the treatment of Africans today.
“Their experience is that they are being treated in flagrantly disgusting, racialized ways,” Mr. French said.
Chinese employees helping passengers at the new Standard Gauge Railway terminal in Nairobi last year.

Kenya, home to more than 40 officially recognized ethnic groups, has long had its own problems with prejudice and ethnic tensions.
A disputed election in 2007 led to several weeks of mass violence, much of it along ethnic lines.
And Kenyans of Indian and Pakistani descent have long felt secluded from mainstream Kenyan life, although the government has granted them greater official recognition.
But the Chinese presence has added a volatile new element and, at times, the Kenyan government has seemed divided over how to respond.
When allegations of discrimination by Chinese employers emerged over the summer, a Kenyan government spokesman suggested that part of the problem lay instead with Kenya’s national work ethic, which he said might need to change.
There are signs that elements within the government may be pushing back.
Last month, the Kenyan police raided the Nairobi headquarters of a Chinese state-run television channel, briefly detaining several journalists.
The timing struck many as curious: It was the same week that President Kenyatta was in Beijing, raising the question of whether someone inside the Kenyan government wanted to create a diplomatic row.
The experience of Mr. Ochieng’ and other workers speaks to the future of relations between the two countries.
He took a job as a salesman, thinking it would secure a prosperous future, but when he showed up to work he found a different reality.
The pay was a fraction of what he was initially offered, he said, and it was subject to deduction for a long list of infractions.
“No laughing,” was one of the injunctions printed in the company rules.
Each minute of lateness — sometimes unavoidable given Nairobi’s notorious traffic — came with a steep fine.
An employee who was 15 minutes late might be docked five or six hours’ pay, he said.
One Chinese manager, Liu Jiaqi, 26, loomed particularly large.
At times, he was smiling and good-natured, Mr. Ochieng’ said, but whenever the question of pay came up or something went wrong, Liu turned on his subordinates.
When Mr. Ochieng’ left a sales brochure behind in the car during a sales visit and had to excuse himself to retrieve it, he said Liu began crowing, “This African is very foolish.”
But the most painful, he said, were the monkey insults the kind of dehumanization used to justify slavery and colonization.
Mr. Ochieng’ said he protested several times, but the monkey comments did not stop.
“It was too much,” he said.
“I decided, ‘Let me record it.’”
The rant that Mr. Ochieng’ recorded came after a sales trip had gone awry.
Mr. Ochieng’ asked his boss why he was taking out his anger on him.
“Because you are Kenyan,” Liu explained, saying that all Kenyans, even the president, are “like a monkey.”
Mr. Ochieng’ continued that Kenyans may have once been oppressed, but that they have been a free people since 1963.
“Like a monkey,” Liu responded. “Monkey is also free.”
Inspecting part of the railway in June.

The day after the video began to circulate widely, Liu, who could not be reached for comment, was deported.
It was an especially stark illustration of the clash between the two cultures, with many adding that it produced a noticeable chill in relations between Kenyans and Chinese people in the capital.
“That video had a big effect,” said Victor Qi, the Chinese manager of a noodle restaurant in Nairobi, adding that business from black customers seemed to fall off after that.
After the video emerged, an official with the motorcycle company called Liu’s behavior an “unfortunate transgression.”
Mr. Ochieng’ says he has heard stories of colonialism — “what our forefathers went through” — and worries that the Chinese will take Kenya backward, not forward as the nation’s leaders have assured.
“These guys are trying to take us back to those days,” he said in the tiny room he shares with his wife and 2-year-old son.
On the wall hung a poster with a verse from Ephesians.
Nearby, on a little desk rested two Bibles, both equally dog-eared with use.
“Someday I will tell my son that when you were young, I was despised because I was black,” he said.

mardi 26 septembre 2017

Chinese Peril

As China has boosted renewable energy it’s moved dirty coal production to Africa
By David Obura

Got coal?

China is transforming its sources of energy domestically in a bid to reverse decades of environmental pollution. 
But the switch to renewable energy has brought about a conundrum: what to do with the jobs and industries that have no future in this new system?
Export them. 
Several African countries are accepting the poisoned chalice of China’s subsidised development through the construction of outdated, dirty coal plants.
Kenya is one. 
Its coastline is a national asset for fisheries, tourism, a growing population and economic development. 
But Amu Coal—a consortium of Kenyan and Chinese energy and investment firms—is set to start building a coal plant on the only part that is untouched by industrial development. 
The plant is planned to be some 20 kilometers from the town of Lamu on the mainland coast, at the mouth of Dodori Creek.Lamu. 

Quite apart from the unfavourable economic and financing aspects for generating energy from coal, the plant may be Kenya’s single largest pollution source.
The problems should be set out in the Environment and Social Impact Assessment study required by Kenya’s Environment Act and vetted through the National Environment Management Authority. 
But three key issues are omitted or glossed over by the study. 
Any one of them should be cause for the environment authority, other arms of the Kenyan government and certainly the public to oppose the coal plant.
Thankfully, opposition is growing.

Key issues against plant
The first is a classic Industrial Revolution, Victorian issue. 
Toxic pollution. 
Coal releases a range of toxic substances into the environment. 
These go into the atmosphere, rain, groundwater, and seawater – and then to flora, fauna and people. 
These substances are barely mentioned in the assessment study. 
There are also no detailed estimates on the amounts that could be released and how they could be reduced by mitigating actions. 
The coal intended for use – initially to be imported from South Africa, and classified as “bituminous”, releases large amounts of toxins, particularly if improperly burned.
The impact study also doesn’t clearly state the full size of the mountain of coal residue left behind after burning—almost 4km long by 1km wide and 25 metres high. 
No credible plan for disposing of the waste is presented.
Second is Kenya’s contribution to global carbon dioxide emissions
Under the Paris Agreement on climate change the Jubilee government committed to reduce these by 30% by 2030. 
The impact study dismisses the carbon emissions from the plant as negligible on a global scale, at only 0.024% of global emissions. 
But what it attempts to hide is that the emissions of the coal plant alone will double Kenya’s energy sector’s entire CO2 emissions. 
This at the same time that citizens, businesses and the government are investing in efforts to reduce their carbon footprints, through – for example through wind, solar and geothermal power generation.Cars parked under solar panels at Africa’s largest solar carport in Nairobi’s Garden City shopping mall. 

The third reason is a chimera of the above—climate change and toxic pollution combined. 
It is reasonably certain that sea levels will rise due to climate change. 
Estimates suggest this could be in the order of half to one metre by the end of this century, and very possibly more
The toxic waste mountain left by the plant will be on Kenya’s flattest shoreline, built on sand. 
Its base will be maybe 2-3 metres above sea level, and tens to 100m from the shoreline. 
This is the most vulnerable part of Kenya’s coast where sea level rises, and yet the massive toxic dump is to be placed there.
Part of the impact assessment argues that “the area is remote” so few people will be affected by pollution. 
Quite apart from the flawed logic that it’s okay to pollute natural wilderness areas, if plans for a major urban development under the LAPSSET project—Eastern Africa’s largest and most ambitious infrastructure project bringing together Kenya, Ethiopia and South Sudan—are concluded, there will be a city of over one million people in the area by 2050.
The report contains nothing about exposure of this number of people to toxic waste
Even the Strategic Environment Assessment for the LAPSSET project, conducted in the last few years, doesn’t include the coal plant in its assessment. 
The logic is that the plant is “not part of LAPSSET” yet even the simplest understanding of the purpose of both impact assessments and strategic environment assessments is to consider all interacting threats, and particularly the biggest ones, to the environment and people.
Improved standards are undoubtedly needed in Kenya’s Environment Impact Assessment sector. 
The country will develop, by hook or by crook, with or without a vision for 2030. 
Strengthening environment and social impact assessment as a tool to facilitate the right sort of development—where currently it’s viewed by business and most government authorities as a pesky bureaucratic step at best—will be one of the single most significant steps the government can take to protect and grow the natural and social assets that secure, healthy and equitable development is founded on.

vendredi 7 octobre 2016

Thailand’s detention of Joshua Wong shows how deeply some Southeast Asian nations are in China’s orbit

By Isabella Steger
Standing up to China.

Thai authorities yesterday (Oct. 5) detained Hong Kong pro-democracy activist Joshua Wong at Bangkok’s airport and barred him from attending an event at a university, drawing attention once more to how Thailand and some neighboring countries are increasingly bowing to China’s demands.
In response, some Thai citizens have been circulating a drawing on social media showing Thailand as an extension of China. 
The artist highlighted Taiwan in the drawing, a nod to comments by Thai student Netiwit Chotiphatphaisal, who noted that the 19-year-old Hong Kong activist had no problems entering Taiwan earlier.
According to a statement by the Thai government, it received no direct order to arrest Wong, but the decision was taken to avoid an “escalation of political conflict” as Wong’s activism in other countries could “affect Thailand’s relations with other nations.”
The Nation, an English-language newspaper in Thailand, cited an official at Bangkok’s Suvarnabhumi Airport as saying that the request to arrest Wong came from China. 
Thai prime minister Prayuth Chan-ocha said Wong’s expulsion from Thailand was “China’s issue.”
The incident comes after Gui Minhai, a Hong Kong bookseller with Swedish citizenship, went missing last October in Thailand and later reappeared in China. 
In January, Chinese journalist Li Xin disappeared (paywall) while traveling from China to Thailand via Laos.
Writing after Gui’s disappearance, Kerry Brown, a professor of Chinese Studies at King’s College London, said that “we seem to be seeing a wholly new form of the Chinese state acting outside its borders in ways which are opaque, arbitrary, and worryingly predatory.”
As the Wall Street Journal notes in an editorial, what happened in Thailand fits a “global pattern.” 
China’s long arm of the law has extended as far as Kenya and Armenia, where authorities deported suspected Taiwanese suspects of fraud to China. 
Beijing claims Taiwan as a Chinese province.
Nicholas Bequelin, regional director for East Asia at Amnesty International, said that following violent protests in Tibet in 2008 and Xinjiang in 2009, after which many Tibetans and Uighurs fled China for neighboring Nepal, Central Asia, and Southeast Asia, China started to systematically put pressure on those countries.
It’s not illegitimate for China to demand the repatriation of people who have committed offences in that country, or who have committed crimes against Chinese citizens from abroad. 
The problem is the fact that the government systematically conflates criminal offences with the exercise of fundamental rights of freedom such as expression or assembly when it is critical of the Chinese government.
Thailand last year repatriated about 100 Uighurs from detention camps back to China. 
Laos and Cambodia had also sent Uighurs back to China in the past. 
Malaysia last year also barred pro-democracy activists from Hong Kong, including Wong, from entering the country.
Aaron Connelly, a research fellow at the Lowy Institute in Sydney, said that Southeast Asian countries are increasingly reliant on China’s aid and investment—which comes without criticism of human rights abuses, unlike that of the US or other Western countries. 
Cambodia, ruled by strongman Hun Sen, scuppered a statement critical of China’s position in the South China Sea at an Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) meeting this summer, for example. 
In Thailand, where the military junta is increasingly cracking down on any form dissent, China’s influence may be of secondary importance, said Connelly.
“Would Thailand under Yingluck Shinawatra’s government have returned Joshua Wong? I’m not so sure,” said Connelly, referring to Thailand’s previous prime minister who was ousted in a military coup in 2014.
“The key dynamic in Thailand isn’t so much China’s investment, but it’s first and foremost that it’s not a democratic government… but any ASEAN country would have been pretty receptive to banning Wong.”