Affichage des articles dont le libellé est One Child Policy. Afficher tous les articles
Affichage des articles dont le libellé est One Child Policy. Afficher tous les articles

vendredi 15 novembre 2019

China’s Holocaust of Children

The ‘one-child policy’ involved slaughtering hundreds of millions of babies.
By KYLE SMITH
One Child Nation movie poster (Chicago Media Project/Amazon Studios)

Using the aggressively bland term “one-child policy” is a bit like saying that 1942 Germany had restrictions on Jews. 
You may never have thought much about how a huge nation enforces a limit of one baby per family, but the horrifying details of China’s Holocaust of children emerge in a powerful documentary told by a woman whose family was one of the countless millions who suffered.
A girl born in 1985 in Jiangxi Province was named Nanfu, or man-pillar. 
The Wang family, like nearly all others in rural China, desperately wanted a boy, and when one didn’t arrive, her parents gave her the planned boy’s name anyway. 
After she was born, village authorities threatened to sterilize her mother, who wanted to try again for a boy, but instead struck a compromise. 
Some rural families were allowed a second child if the parents spaced the children apart by five years. 
While the mother was in labor, Nanfu Wang says in her documentary One Child Nation (streaming on Amazon Prime Video), her grandmother put a basket in the room and announced, “If it’s another girl, we’ll put her in the basket and leave her in the street.” 
Nanfu’s brother arrived instead.
It was no idle threat. 
As Wang discovers, this sort of thing happened all the time. 
And when you left your baby girl (it was nearly always a girl) in a market, or by the side of the road, here’s what happened: Nothing. 
No takers. 
Girls had no value whatsoever. 
When Wang’s uncle had a daughter, her mother recalls, he wanted to try again for the son. 
So the family climbed over mountains in the dark to take the infant to a market, where they left her on a meat counter with the equivalent of $20 in her clothes. 
The family would go back to check on her progress, of which there was none. 
Soon the baby was covered with mosquito bites. 
“For two days and two nights she was there,” recalls Wang’s mother. 
“She eventually died. Then we buried her.” 
Oh.
Chinese officials would use a variety of pressures to prevent women from giving birth. 
Sometimes sterilization would be presented simply as an option; you were free to refuse, but then the authorities would burn your house down or steal your pig. 
Other times women underwent sterilization by force, or suffered as their eight- and nine-month-old fetuses were aborted. 
A single “family planning” official recalls carrying out an estimated 50,000 to 60,000 sterilizations and abortions, sometimes inducing delivery and then killing the newborn. 
“I’d do over 20 [sterilizations and abortions] a day,” she recalls now. 
“Sterilization takes ten minutes.” 
In many cases the women had been abducted: “Tied up and dragged to us like pigs,” recalls another woman who served as a “family-planning official,” who says, “I initially thought forcing abortions was an atrocity.” 
But a Party official persuaded her that the more challenging a job was, the more willing she should be to take it on.” 
“Sometimes pregnant women ran away. We had to chase after them.” 
One woman “took off all her clothes and ran away naked.” 
But the “population war” had to be fought: “Our country prevented 338 million births,” notes a propaganda video. 
The word “prevent” is doing a lot of work there.
Today, one woman interviewed in the film who worked as a “family planner” works to treat infertility. 
“I want to atone for my sins for all the abortions and killings I did. There’ll be retribution for me. I was the one who killed. I was the executioner... The state gave the order but I carried it out.” 
A Chinese artist, Peng Wang, explains how he built a running theme for his pictures around the fetuses he repeatedly found in trash bags abandoned in dumping grounds.
When the adoption market started to boom in the 1990s, the calculus changed. 
Enterprising folks who were motivated by profit but were also heroes on a scale that dwarfs the 1,200 lives saved by Oskar Schindler began visiting the known baby-dumping areas and scooping up living infants. 
One man from Shenzhen estimates he collected 10,000 babies this way, building a network of tipsters such as trash collectors and taxi drivers whose jobs involved lots of roaming around the city. Orphanages were paying $200 for babies, no questions asked. 
Many Americans are parents of these adoptees today, and for those who have questions, a Utah company called Research China has been gathering data about the Chinese backgrounds of such children. 
The man interviewed in the film who saved so many lives in Shenzhen was charged with being a “human trafficker” and spent years in prison for the crime of not letting babies perish.
Chinese authorities decided to get in on the act. 
Why abort babies and throw them in the trash when you can wait till they’re born, then kidnap them? Propaganda promised citizens rewards for informing authorities of families that had more than one child. 
Orphanages were pleased to take the abducted babies, too. (An expert walks us through how orphanage officials would simply make up a fictitious backstory for each otherwise unexplained child and present the lies to eager prospective parents.) 
In 2015, China switched to a two-child policy, and the crisis ended. 
Or did it? 
Chinese parents have been conditioned to have only one child since 1980, and the number of births fell 5 million short of projections last year. 
An editorial in the Communist Party paper People’s Daily scolded couples with these words: “Not wanting to have kids is just a lifestyle of passively giving in to society’s pressures.” 
What’s Mandarin for chutzpah?
Toward the end Wang reminds us that we Americans are hardly without sin when it comes to the matters she discusses; don’t we interfere with women’s bodies too? 
That’s like saying, as WFB memorably put it, that “the man who pushes an old lady into the path of a hurtling bus is not to be distinguished from the man who pushes an old lady out of the path of a hurtling bus: on the grounds that, after all, in both cases someone is pushing old ladies around.”

mercredi 6 mars 2019

China's growth could plummet to 2 percent in the next decade

  • China's time as an emerging markets outperformer is ending
  • Experts pointed to an array of risks as well as changing demographics for China
  • That includes its debt problem, declining working population, and increasingly weaker drivers of productivity
By Weizhen Tan 

China has been a strong performer among emerging economies, even if its growth has been slowing. But that's set to end, according to research firm Capital Economics.
Growth in China could plummet to 2 percent over the next decade — from the expected 6.0 to 6.5 percent target this year, predicted Capital's Chief Asia Economist Mark Williams.
"China's time as an emerging markets outperformer is ending," said Williams, at the Capital Economics annual conference in Singapore on Tuesday. 
He added that the estimated 2 percent growth is a "long way" from the 5 to 6 percent expected by the International Monetary Fund for the next decade.
Speakers at the conference pointed to a number of risks, as well as changing demographics in the world's second largest economy. 
That includes its debt problem, declining work force, and increasingly weaker drivers of productivity, they said.
Those predictions come as Li Keqiang said at the annual National People's Congress on Tuesday that the official economic growth target this year will be 6.0 to 6.5 percent, slowing from last year.
Li also warned that there will be greater risks ahead for the Asian economy, saying: "We must be fully prepared for a tough struggle."

Risks ahead
China's debt problem will not go away, with the real concern being corporate debt and household debt — as opposed to government, said Julian Evans-Pritchard, Capital Economics' senior China economist, at the conference. 
He blamed rising debt levels on poor lending practices.
"Policymakers have been trying to shift lending away from state firms towards their more efficient private counterparts. But so far, the results have been underwhelming," Evans-Pritchard said.
Data also showed that state firms' capital spending is higher now compared to a few years ago, he added. 
"Servicing the existing stock of debt will be more difficult as China's economy continues to slow."
Evans-Pritchard noted that the real risk lies with property developers, who have borrowed the most to fund their land-buying spree.
Some analysts have said that Beijing might stimulate its slowing economy this year through more loans, but Williams warned that the "key headwind" on the Chinese economy so far has been the tightening on shadow lending.
Shadow banking refers to activities performed by financial firms outside the formal banking sector, and therefore subject to lower levels of regulatory oversight and higher risks. 
State-owned banks usually prefer lending to companies owned by the government, and as a result, private companies have turned to shadow banking.

Productivity and work force
Apart from the debt issue, Williams said the underlying engines of rapid growth in the country's economy are also fading. 
He cited a declining work force — hit by its One Child Policy introduced in the 1970s — and weakening drivers of productivity.
In a January report, Capital Economics projected that a shrinking labor force may result in a decline of about 0.5 percent in GDP growth by 2030.
The research firm pointed to China's working population which is currently falling by about 0.2 percent per year. 
There were only 15 million babies born in China in 2018 — a 12 percent drop from the year before, and nearly a third below official forecasts made three years ago. 
In 2015, China started allowing couples to have two children.
But "the main drag on China will be coming from much weaker productivity growth," Williams added.
While many emerging markets rely on exports to drive productivity, China's share of the export market is already very large, and will need to rely more on domestic growth to drive productivity, he said.
"The only way to raise productivity, if you can't do it by investing and building more, is to raise the productivity in workers ... It means you want your companies to move closer to the technological frontier," Williams concluded.