Hong Kong's fight for freedom

China can silence me. But it can’t silence Hong Kong’s movement.

By Joshua Wong

'It is a war here now.' In Hong Kong, what began as peaceful protests has become a de facto war about the future of democracy. 

This week I was deprived of the right to participate in Hong Kong’s political system.
On Tuesday, Hong Kong authorities barred me from running in local elections for district council. 

I was the only candidate barred. 

Laura Aron, the officer who made the decision, claimed that my nomination was invalid largely because of my affiliation with Demosisto, a pro-democracy party that I helped co-found. 

She said she did not believe I would uphold Hong Kong’s Basic Law.
In reality, the decision to target me was clearly politically driven, based on my role championing democratic rights in Hong Kong and engaging with the issue at an international level. 

This is nothing short of political screening and censorship.
In mid-October, I received two letters from Dorothy Ma, an officer who was screening my candidacy, asking me to “clarify” my political views. 

Though I had no desire to play along with attempts at censorship, I responded explaining my position and noting that authorities should not screen candidates. 

I did not hear back from Ma for a week. 

Then, when I finally visited Ma’s office, I was told she was on leave due to sickness and was being replaced by Aron. 

The replacement process lacked transparency and did not follow the normal practice of appointing an officer who worked under Ma or was from a neighboring district. 

Soon after, Aron announced the decision to bar me.
When I first decided to run for the district council position, I understood that Beijing might decide to thwart my candidacy. 

The decision, and the suspicious way it was made, exposes to the world just how much Hong Kong is already under Beijing’s authoritarian grip.
This is not the first time Hong Kong authorities have infringed on my political rights and those of my fellow activists. 

I myself have been placed in jail three times for my activism. 

After spending several months in prison this year for my role in the Umbrella Movement, I was released in June, but was arrested again in August alongside my colleague Agnes Chow for participating in the protests. 

Previously, the Hong Kong government disqualified six elected, pro-democracy legislators between 2016 and 2017.
This most recent outrage shows that Chinese and Hong Kong authorities have not learned from protests. 

The protesters are calling for Beijing to respect its own promise to allow Hong Kong a democratic system until 2047, under the “one country, two systems” policy. 

This was a chance for Hong Kong’s government to show it had heard the cries of Hong Kong’s young generation and to bring a youth voice into the district council.
But Beijing is not even willing to allow Hong Kong a short window of freedom. 

Along with recent crackdowns against demonstrators on the streets, this highlights once again the importance of the protesters’ five demands for the Hong Kong government: to fully withdraw the controversial extradition bill that triggered the protests; establish a commission to look into police brutality; retract the description of protesters as “rioters;” provide amnesty to those arrested in the protests; and commit to universal suffrage for electing the chief executive and entire Legislative Council until 2047.
This is a moment when the international community must speak up. 

In the United States, the House just passed the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act. 

After learning of the news of my barring, several senators have called for its swift passage in the Senate, too. 

This is crucial. 

Three senators have also introduced the Hong Kong Be Water Act, which would sanction government officials responsible for cracking down on freedom of expression in Hong Kong. 

These actions would signal to Beijing that it should loosen its grip or face international pressure.
My candidacy may have been barred. 

But our movement continues — and this has only catalyzed more anger and frustration among young Hong Kongers hoping for change. 

My friend and colleague Kelvin Lam has bravely decided to run in my place. 

Angus Wong and Tiffany Yuen — who were staffers under Nathan Law, a lawmaker disqualified in 2017 at Beijing’s behest — are also running for office. 

I will spend the next few weeks campaigning for them, and will continue to push for human rights in Hong Kong going forward.
And on Nov. 24, Hong Kongers must vote to have their voices heard. 

The election is a referendum on Beijing’s actions, and an opportunity to show the strength of our will and stand up for our rights. 

Beijing can bar me from running, but I refuse to be silenced. 

Democracy begins on the ground — and China cannot silence us all.

Hong Kong Bars Joshua Wong, a Prominent Activist, From Seeking Election

Mr. Wong, a leader of the 2014 Umbrella Movement, had planned to run for a district council position amid widespread public anger with the government.
By Austin Ramzy and Elaine Yu

The democracy activist Joshua Wong speaking outside the Legislative Council building in Hong Kong on Tuesday, after being barred from running in district council elections next month.

HONG KONG — The Hong Kong authorities on Tuesday barred Joshua Wong, a prominent democracy activist, from running in district council elections next month, a blow to the protest movement’s efforts to convert deep anger toward the authorities into electoral gains.
The government cited statements by Mr. Wong’s political organization that the future of Hong Kong should be determined by its people, and independence is a possible option. 

An official said those statements were incompatible with the Basic Law, Hong Kong’s mini-constitution, which states that the semiautonomous city is part of China.
“The candidate cannot possibly comply with the requirements of the relevant electoral laws, since advocating or promoting ‘self-determination’ is contrary to the content of the declaration that the law requires a candidate to make to uphold the Basic Law and pledge allegiance” to Hong Kong, the government said in a statement.
Mr. Wong said the decision showed that China’s central government was manipulating the election, which is expected to be a key test of public sentiment about the protest movement.
In a news conference outside the Hong Kong government headquarters, he called the decision to bar him “a political order that Beijing has handed down.”
Earlier he said that the official who made the decision had been relegated to a role as the “thought police.”
The district council elections, which will be held on Nov. 24, are usually focused on local issues such as bus stops and neighborhood beautification. 

But the race is taking on a broader political significance this year. 

Whichever side wins the most seats will control 117 votes in the 1,200-member election committee that chooses the next chief executive, Hong Kong’s top government position.
The pro-democracy camp’s fears of even wider prohibitions on their candidates seeking office have not been realized, as Mr. Wong will most likely be the only candidate barred from the district council race.
He said Tuesday that he hoped voters would support another candidate, Kelvin Lam, who had registered to run in the event of Mr. Wong’s disqualification.
Mr. Wong, 23, grew to international prominence as a student leader during the 2014 Umbrella Movement, when protesters occupied streets for weeks to push for freer elections. 

He was sentenced to short prison terms twice over the 2014 protests, and was still in custody in June when the current protest movement began.
The current protest movement began as a fight over a now-withdrawn extradition bill and has expanded its demands to include an investigation into use of force by the police and direct elections for the chief executive and the entire Legislative Council.
Unlike 2014, there are no widely known protest leaders. 

But Mr. Wong has remained a prominent participant and has been regularly attacked in the state-run Chinese media. 

In August, he and Agnes Chow, another 2014 protest leader who belongs to the same political group, Demosisto, were arrested on unauthorized assembly charges for a June 21 protest, when thousands of protesters surrounded police headquarters.
Ms. Chow was disqualified from running for the Legislative Council last year over similar questions of support for self-determination, including an option for independence. 

She won an appeal last month, with a judge ruling that she had insufficient opportunity to respond to the grounds for disqualification.
Ms. Chow said that ruling was a “Pyrrhic victory,” because it still upheld the ability of officials to disqualify candidates based on their political beliefs.
Mr. Wong had previously publicly shared his response to the official who disqualified him, Laura Aron, on Facebook on Saturday, where he argued that his advocacy remains within the bounds of the city’s Constitution.
“My position is that any decision on Hong Kong’s future should be carried out within the constitutional framework of ‘one country, two systems,’” he wrote. 

“Supporting democratic self-determination does not mean supporting Hong Kong’s independence from the central government of the People’s Republic of China.”
He added that comments two weeks ago by Chinese dictator Xi Jinping that any effort to divide the country would end in failure showed the futility of upholding such a position.
When Mr. Xi “threatened in strong terms that ‘anyone attempting to split China in any part of the country will end in crushed bodies and shattered bones,’ I believe that in reality Hong Kong independence cannot become an acceptable option,” Mr. Wong wrote.
Ms. Aron wrote in her decision that by referring to Mr. Xi’s comments, Mr. Wong suggested that “both Demosisto and he were pressed into saying that they have given up the notion as a compromise, instead of a genuine intention.”

Standing With The People Of Hong Kong For Human Rights And Democracy

By Ewelina U. Ochab

September 15 marks the International Day of Democracy, a UN day aimed at reminding us of the importance of democracy. 

This year’s commemoration focuses on participation. 

Indeed, democracy is built on participation as well as other principals such as inclusion and equal treatment. 

As the UN reminds us, “True democracy is a two-way street, built on a constant dialogue between civil society and the political class. This dialogue must have real influence on political decisions. This is why political participation, civic space and social dialogue make up the very foundations of good governance. It is even more true with the impact of globalization and technological progress.” 

Unfortunately, this crucial civic space continues to shrink. 

“Civil society activists are finding it increasingly difficult to operate. Human rights defenders and parliamentarians are under attack. Women remain vastly under-represented. Journalists face interference, and in some cases violence.” 

These are all signs of democracy undermined or even at risk of collapse. 

Marking the UN day, the UN “urges all governments to respect their citizens’ right to active, substantive and meaningful participation in democracy.”

Protesters are seen holding up umbrellas while they walk down a street in Hong Kong on August 18, 2019. According to the organizers, over 1.7 million people attended the rally. 

However, in many parts of the world, such calls are bluntly ignored. 

The recent protects in Hong Kong are a perfect example. 

The protests in Hong Kong were sparked by a proposed extradition bill that would have enabled China to extradite individuals from Hong Kong and try them in mainland China. 

The bill has rightly sparked concerns. It could be interpreted as one step towards tightening the Chinese power grip over Hong Kong.
Hong Kong was handed back to China from British control in 1997. 

Hong Kong is governed under the authority of the Chinese government. 

The handover agreement was meant to guarantee Hong Kong a high degree of autonomy and accommodate the “one country, two systems” framework. 

Indeed, Hong Kong has an independent judiciary, legislature, a free press and other freedoms, that are often lacking in mainland China.
In light of the protests, the extradition bill was suspended in mid-June. 

The protests, nonetheless, continued with calls to officially withdraw the bill. 

First on September 4, 2019, Hong Kong’s leader, Carrie Lam, announced that her government will formally withdraw the extradition bill. 

As this step was taken too little too late, the protests continue.
In response to the protests, the authorities have been resorting to more and more excessive measures to curb the ongoing protests. 

Furthermore, towards the end of August 2019, several pro-democracy advocates, including Joshua Wong and Agnes Chow were arrested. 

They were charged with offences including taking part in an "unlawful" assembly. 

It is assessed that more than 800 people have been arrested since the being of the protests in June 2019.
As the UN reports, there is credible evidence of “law enforcement officials using anti-riot measures which are prohibited by international norms and standards.” 

Some examples include “firing tear gas canisters into crowded, enclosed areas and directly at individual protesters on multiple occasions, creating a considerable risk of death or serious injury.”
The UN called upon the authorities to act with restraint when responding to such protests; respect and protect peaceful protesters and ensure that any response to acts of violence is in accordance with international standards on the use of force. 

These calls appear not to be heard.
The example of the protests in Hong Kong and the excessive response to them shows the ever-growing challenges to participation, a necessary principle for any functioning democracy. 

As there is little international support and solidarity towards the peaceful protesters exercising their right to freedom of expression and assembly, fundamental human rights enshrined in international legal standards, the authorities that try to suppress them will only continue until they break those protesting.
In solidarity with those protesting, on September 9, 2019, over 130 British parliamentarians delivered a letter to the U.K. Foreign Secretary, Dominic Raab, calling for international support for the people of Hong Kong. 

 Their letter emphasized that: “China’s recent words and actions indicate that their leadership has moved away from the commitment to upholding Hong Kong’s way of life, enshrined in their Basic Law and founded on values we share: commitment to the rule of law, democracy and human rights. The continuing protests by the courageous people of Hong Kong have been their response to increasing restrictions on those values.”
Standing alongside the people of Hong Kong, speaking up for their human rights and democracy, should be commended and encouraged. 

The alternative incites further human rights violations and suppression that should not be accepted in the 21st century.

China has locked up my friends in response to our protests in Hong Kong, and has put the city's status at risk

The ‘problem to be solved’ in Carrie Lam’s eyes is how to end the protests; but for protestors, the issue is the systematic encroachment on our liberty
By Nathan Law Kwun-chung

Right before another major protest in Hong Kong on Saturday, three legislative councillors and three prominent activists were arrested, my fellows Joshua Wong and Agnes Chow among them.
This was political retaliation wrapped in legalese, designed to take on two people who have demonstrated tremendous courage and fearlessness to shoulder the potential consequences of civil disobedience.
The government’s strategy is clear. 

As to these activists, it wants to drag them into the lengthy judicial processes, with the possibility of spending months in the detention center before the next court hearing, and therefore bar them from joining future protests.
But both Joshua and Agnes stated clearly: they are not afraid of the persecution and will continue to fight for Hong Kong’s people. 

This sense of dedication will definitely boost the morale of other protestors and encourage even more people to remain committed to the movement.
This series of arrests is also a part of the government’s attempt to demobilize the movement. 

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) hopes that the movement will crumble as soon as alleged “leaders” are arrested and the “foreign patrons” behind the scenes are revealed.





As part of this, Beijing launched a disinformation campaign, employing hundreds of fake social media accounts to discredit the movement and brand the protestors as brainwashed and incentivized by “foreign influence” and money. 

By sentencing activists whom they present as foreign agents, they hope that this wave of legal prosecutions will deter “misguided” people from protesting and bring an end to the movement.
This is an ill-founded belief. 

On one hand, it fails to comprehend the defining features of the movement, which is decentralized and leaderless. 

It also denigrates the will of millions of creative and independently minded citizens who genuinely demand freedom and democracy.
The government’s “white terror” tactic has clearly backfired. 

Instead of being intimidated, people are now filled with anger at these vicious detentions and spurred to challenge the actions of the government. 

Hundreds of thousands of people took to the streets and the police force was again seen brutally assaulting protestors or even ordinary civilians on the metro station platform and in train compartments. 

The arbitrary use of violence definitely fuelled another round of enormous protest.
While the strategy of the CCP appears to have failed, their intention remains clear – 31 August was perceived to be a sensitive date, a moment to send a strong signal to forestall any major protest. 

Why sensitive? 

Well five years ago, the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress (NPCSC), the decision making body of the CCP, issued the notorious “831 White Paper” that in essence ruled out genuine democratization in Hong Kong and ignited the famous Umbrella Movement in 2014. 

This White Paper, if implemented, will allow Beijing to hand-pick the candidates in future chief executive elections and deprive Hong Kong people of their right to freely elect their leaders. 

By staging another major protest on the same day, protestors now make it exceedingly clear that the movement has evolved into a battle for freedom and autonomy in Hong Kong.
Alongside the political persecution, it is widely rumored that chief executive Carrie Lam is considering implementation of the “Emergency Law,” empowering herself with wide and extreme discretion to curtail citizens’ freedom in order to defuse the crisis. 

Meanwhile, she is also baiting the protestors into so-called dialogues that have been proven to be only words, and no deeds.
This combination of tactics, however cunning, fails to address the core issue of the movement. 

The “problem to be solved” in Carrie Lam’s eyes is how to end this series of protests; but for protestors, the real issue is the systematic encroachment on our liberty and the city’s autonomy. 

If the dialogues are not backed by substantive reform to address the structural problems in our political system and make no concession to the protestors’ demands, they are merely window dressing for the regime. 

There is no incentive for us to join them.
The threat of “Emergency Law” is also likely to be a scare tactic. 

Passed in the colonial era, this draconian measure allows Lam to abuse a huge stock of executive power by arbitrarily arresting and evicting citizens, or freezing and confiscating the properties of individuals or companies.
This will be suicidal to the unique status of Hong Kong as an international financial center. 

This status is built on the international recognition that Hong Kong is institutionally autonomous from authoritarian China, has robust rule of law, and preserves transparency, fairness, and professionalism. 

The implementation of this law will further alienate the global community and bury an international reputation based on promises of “One Country, Two Systems” and a “high degree of autonomy”.
The demise of Hong Kong as a free, international financial hub would send a shockwave through the Chinese economy, which is itself at a precarious moment. 

Hong Kong has been crucial to China’s economy, especially the financial system, and acts as a bridge to help connect China to the world. 

It remains as the most important gateway for channelling foreign investment to China and bringing the investment from China to the world.
It means that China will equally suffer when a de facto martial-law situation, or a brutal crackdown, occurs in Hong Kong. 

Xi Jinping is walking a tightrope when deciding whether Carrie Lam should be allowed to trade long-term national interests for short-term stability in Hong Kong.
Understanding Beijing’s thinking and strategy sheds light on the indispensable role of young activists like Joshua and Agnes, who remain committed to defending this city’s freedom and autonomy in the face of intimidation and repression. 

We are obliged to support them, as well as many more unsung protestors.
The ways in which the Hong Kong government suppress them will only further enrage and unite Hongkongers and the international community. 

International society can stand with Hong Kong in this fight by voicing solidarity with the protestors, denouncing the government’s authoritarian practices, and employing international legal instruments to safeguard the autonomous status of Hong Kong.

The Chinese Strike Back

Democracy activists Joshua Wong, Agnes Chow and Andy Chan are arrested in Hong Kong
By Shibani Mahtani and Gerry Shih

Democracy activist Joshua Wong addresses crowds outside Hong Kong’s legislature during a demonstration against the extradition bill on June 17.

HONG KONG — Authorities widened a crackdown on the pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong with the arrests of prominent activists, underscoring Beijing’s growing intolerance of sustained street protests that have convulsed the Chinese territory and revived calls for universal suffrage.
Joshua Wong and Agnes Chow, who rose to eminence as the student leaders of pro-democracy demonstrations five years ago, were detained early Friday, ahead of what was expected to be another weekend of clashes in the city.
Police said the pair would face charges of participating in an unauthorized assembly and inciting others to participate in an unapproved assembly, while Wong would face an additional charge of organizing an unapproved assembly.
The charges relate to a June 21 protest where demonstrators surrounded police headquarters.
A third activist, Andy Chan, the leader of a banned pro-independence party, was arrested at the city’s airport late Thursday while trying to board a plane.
Police said he was detained on suspicion of rioting and assaulting a police officer.
The arrests come at a tense time in the semiautonomous Chinese territory, where an official proposal to allow extraditions to mainland China triggered months of protests that have descended into street battles with police.
As demonstrations have turned violent, and grown to encompass a broader push for democracy in Hong Kong, authorities have stepped up arrests and the use of force.
The dissent coincides with a politically sensitive moment for the ruling Communist Party, as the clock ticks down to the 70th anniversary of the founding of the People’s Republic of China in October.
China’s government has issued increasingly strident threats in an effort to quell the unrest.
A day earlier, it sent a new batch of troops in to Hong Kong to reinforce the People’s Liberation Army garrison in the city.

Agnes Chow, right, and Joshua Wong outside government offices in Hong Kong in June. The pair were arrested Friday in a widening crackdown on the pro-democracy movement.

Friday’s arrests, combined with the Hong Kong garrison rotation and rumors that Hong Kong may invoke emergency laws, were “extremely alarming,” said Samantha Hoffman, a fellow at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute who studies Chinese politics.
“At the very least, it is clear that Beijing is attempting to intimidate the people of Hong Kong. The Chinese Communist Party places political protests very high on its list of threat perceptions,” she said.
“The party will protect itself before it defends the objective interests of China, the Chinese people, and Hong Kong and its people. Therefore, it is hard to imagine a solution where the party backs down in any meaningful way.”
In a report after the roundup of the Hong Kong activists, China’s official Xinhua news agency said more arrests were expected.
Hours later, Xinhua posted a picture on its social media account with a pair of handcuffs and images of the detained trio with the caption “What goes around comes around.”
A local pro-democracy councilor, Rick Hui, was also arrested Friday, his office said.
Charges against him were not immediately known.
With Hong Kong’s leader, Carrie Lam, unwilling to compromise on demonstrators’ demands, the continued unrest is taking a toll on the economy.
Police have arrested more than 800 people in connection with protests that have rocked the city since June, some of them on riot charges that can attract a prison sentence of up to 10 years.
Organizers of a planned march in Hong Kong this weekend called off the rally on Friday after police refused to authorize it.
“Our first principle is always to protect all the participants and make sure that no one could bear legal consequences for participating in the protest,” said Bonnie Leung, a convener of the Civil Human Rights Front.
Wong, 22 years old, became known as the face of the 2014 Umbrella Movement, a 79-day street occupation aimed at securing universal suffrage for Hong Kong.
He was charged and sentenced several times in connection with those protests, and served three stints in jail.
Most recently, on May 16, Wong was sentenced to two months in prison after losing an appeal against a prison term for contempt of court.
He was released in June.

Policemen pull out their guns after a confrontation with protesters in Hong Kong on Aug. 25. Police have escalated their use of force in trying to quell demonstrations. 

Along with Chow and another activist, Nathan Law, Wong went on to found political group Demosistō, which advocates self-determination for Hong Kong.
The three were arrested in 2017 ahead of Chinese dictator Xi Jinping’s visit to the city.
This time, the protest movement in Hong Kong has taken a leaderless form — in part to avoid arrests and detentions that plagued its leaders in the past, and to empower a broader base of participants. Unlike in 2014, members of Demosistō have not delivered speeches at rallies, nor have they been prominent faces on the front lines, but have used the group’s social media presence to promote their cause globally.
“We’ll use our influence and connections with the international community to tell the world about what’s happening,” Chow said in an earlier interview with The Washington Post. 
“It’s still very important.”
On Friday, Wong was seized at roughly 7:30 a.m. “when he was suddenly pushed into a private car on the street,” Demosistō, said.
Chow was arrested a short time later at her home, Demosistō added.
Both are being held in the Hong Kong police headquarters in the Wan Chai district.
The group has sought help from its lawyers.
Wong and Chow were due to travel to Washington next month, where they were to meet with lawmakers and participate in a congressional Executive Committee on China hearing on the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act. 
The bill, which has bipartisan support, including from House speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.)and Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), seeks to punish those who suppress freedoms in Hong Kong including through the use of sanctions and visa bans to the U.S.

Anti-extradition bill protesters take cover from tear gas canisters as they clash with riot police on Aug. 25. 

Chan, who founded a party that advocates for Hong Kong independence, was also arrested in August on suspicion of possessing offensive weapons and bombmaking materials.
Hong Kong operates under a “one country, two systems” arrangement within China, under which the city is supposed to enjoy a high degree of autonomy for 50 years following its return to Chinese rule in 1997.
In recent years, concerns have grown that Beijing is tightening control over the territory and working to erode the freedoms and autonomy that distinguish Hong Kong from mainland China.
In a tweet the night before his arrest, Wong wrote that “Being born in uncertain times carries certain responsibilities.” 
He linked to a website outlining protesters’ demands.

Enemy of the Chinese state: 21-year-old activist Agnes Chow

Hong Kong pro-democracy campaigner who was banned from office says an entire generation of young people is being targeted
By Benjamin Haas

Hong Kong pro-democracy activist Agnes Chow at her campaign headquarters
If China has its way, Agnes Chow’s political career will be over before it begins.
The self-described “average schoolgirl” who transformed into a thorn in the side of the Chinese leadership was last week blocked from running for political office in Hong Kong because of her party’s pro-democracy manifesto.
The unprecedented move penalises mere affiliation with a political idea and was designed to prevent Chow and her Demosisto party colleagues from entering the Legislative Council.
It was the latest blow to democracy activists in the former British colony after a year that saw popularly elected lawmakers removed and protest leaders jailed.
In the past, authorities targeted independence activists, but with Chow it was her party’s support for the vague idea of “self-determination” that doomed her candidacy.
However, the softly spoken 21-year-old is refusing to go quietly and has called on the international community to defend Hong Kong’s right to resist rule from China.
At what was once her campaign headquarters in a tiny studio in a building filled with DIY bookstores and art spaces, Chow predicts a bleak outlook for democracy in Hong Kong unless the international community speaks up.
“The ban against me isn’t personal, it’s targeting an entire generation of young people who have a different view from the government,” she says. 

“The government only wants young people who will show their affection for China and the Communist party. Any deviation of thought is now unacceptable.”
Chow renounced her British citizenship – a requirement to stand for election – and postponed her studies to run for office, but views neither as a sacrifice.
“Many people may see this as a sacrifice, but it’s not for me,” she says. 

“I’m committed to fighting for Hong Kong and it’s nothing compared to those who have gone to prison.”
As the crisis played out in Hong Kong, British prime minister Theresa May met Xi Jinping in Beijing and pledged to raise the thorny topic of human rights. 

But Chow saw the visit as a missed opportunity.
“The UK needs to show a stronger attitude, that they are really holding China to account,” Chow says. 

“I had high expectations of Theresa May’s response, compared to other countries, since the UK has an international treaty with China and an obligation to monitor the situation here.”
She describes a Foreign Office statement that said the UK was “concerned” over her electoral rejection as “weak and feeble”. 

The European Union and Canada issued more direct rebukes, saying the move “risks diminishing Hong Kong’s international reputation as a free and open society”.
And US lawmakers recently nominated Chow’s fellow activists for the 2018 Nobel peace prize, commending them for being “unflinching in their peaceful and principled commitment to a free and prosperous Hong Kong”.
Chow was not always destined to become the target of Beijing’s ire. 

She grew up in what she describes as an apolitical household where social issues were never mentioned.
But when she was 15, she came across a Facebook post showing thousands of young people agitating for change – secondary school students just like her – and never looked back.
Amid government plans to introduce “moral and national education” in 2012 – criticised by opponents as Communist brainwashing – students began staging sit-ins outside government headquarters. 

Chow joined the demonstrations and it was there she met Joshua Wong, another young activist who would go on to become the most prominent voice in a new generation of democracy advocates.
Together with Wong, Chow represented fresh ideas and a new direction for the opposition, a movement that has been dominated for nearly two decades by politicians who grew up under British colonial rule, which ended in 1997.
The pair, along with Nathan Law, founded the political party Demosisto in the wake of 11 weeks of street protests in 2014 that inspired a generation of young people but ultimately failed to secure concessions from the government over how the city’s leader is elected. 

It was their party’s support for “self-determination” which a Hong Kong official said made her ineligible to run.
“The battlefield may have changed, but our commitment to fight for democracy and human rights has not,” says Wong. 

“Maybe we can never run for office again, maybe we can never enter these institutions, but they are just a small slice of a larger cake.”
Chow and Wong both fear the government is redefining what types of political positions are unacceptable, and that it will continue its campaign against more traditional opposition politicians. Law was previously elected to the legislature on the same party platform that officials now say is a disqualifying factor.
“[Chow’s ban] shows the government will progressively target everyone in the pro-democracy camp,” Wong says.
For now, Chow has not decided if she will take her case to court. 

She has already thrown herself into working on the campaign of the pro-democracy candidate who replaced her, and has staged protests against her ban.
But the government’s decision to ban her in effect excludes anyone from her and Wong’s party from ever contesting an election, and Chow believes it is only the beginning of a wider plan to silence dissent.
“In the future I worry anyone who opposes any government policy be twisted into enemies of the state,” she says.