CHINA’S OPERATION AUSTRALIA

The go-betweens
ALP donor Helen Liu had deep ties to Chinese spy Liu Chaoying, who was caught out trying to influence US politics. So why did ASIO give Helen Liu the all clear?
By Richard Baker, Nick McKenzie and Philip Dorling

Helen Liu with John Howard and Joel Fitzgibbon.

As befitted a man who spent his life in the shadows, General Ji Shengde chose to wait in the kitchen of an abalone restaurant in the Chinese coastal resort town of Zhuhai until his dining companions arrived.
The ultra-secretive chief of Chinese military intelligence was on the lookout for his protege, a well-dressed, 37-year-old businesswoman called Liu Chaoying. 

She was bringing her new friend, a California-based entrepreneur called Johnny Chung who had a penchant for over-the-top jewellery and a knack for getting inside Bill Clinton’s White House.
Once the pair arrived and the group was seated, they talked American politics. 

It was 1996 and Clinton was running for a second term.
“We really like your president. We hope he will be re-elected,” General Ji told Chung.
“I will give you $300,000. You can give it to your president and Democrat party.”
A few days after this August 11 meeting, Liu Chaoying wired $300,000 into Taiwan-born Chung’s account. 

This money ended up in the coffers of the Democrat’s Clinton re-election campaign in breach of US laws banning foreign political donations.
This transaction later became the focus of US criminal and congressional investigations into a major political scandal dubbed Chinagate by the US media. 

It was part of a broad Chinese plan to influence American politics to favour Beijing’s acquisition of sensitive, advanced technology.
Today, Fairfax Media can reveal a direct Australian connection to the Chinagate scandal that raises serious questions about a series of Chinese donations to the Australian Labor Party.
A summary of banking records contained in NSW Supreme Court files show that, just 10 days after the meeting in the abalone restaurant, a Sydney-based company owned by Chinese-Australian businesswoman, Helen Liu, wired $250,025.00 from her Australian company into the account of one of Liu Chaoying’s Hong Kong companies called Marswell Investments.

Just why Helen Liu’s company Wincopy Pty Ltd sent this money to Liu Chaoying is not known. Whatever the case, the transfer effectively topped up the bank account of a company US prosecutors later claimed as a front for China’s military intelligence. 

A copy of Wincopy’s financial statements and reports prepared by the company's accountant -- and obtained from a Federal Court file -- recorded the $250,025.00 transfer as “overseas marketing expenses”.

Like the others, Helen Liu was interested in politics. 

But her focus was Australia. 

At the time of the quarter-of-a-million-dollar transfer into Liu Chaoying’s Marswell company, she had just made her first donation to the ALP and had forged links to the federal Labor front bench and the NSW Labor government.
Australia’s freewheeling donations laws meant that Liu’s donations never created a scandal like that seen in the United States, and the links have never been adequately examined by Australian authorities. 

But evidence uncovered by Fairfax Media and the ABC means that might be about to change.

The networker
Helen Liu arrived in Sydney from Shandong province in northern China in the late 1980s as a seemingly modest student and worked at a firm exporting wool to China. 

But it did not take too long for her life to undergo a massive transformation.
“It was like the tap had been turned on and all this money suddenly started pouring out,” said a close associate at the time. 

“Top-line European cars were being bought with cash.”
The money came from Chinese Government-controlled entities such as the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China, Beijing Hengtong Trust, the Jinan Iron and Steel Group and the Shandong Fisheries Corporation. 

All had entered into joint ventures with companies associated with Helen Liu and her then boyfriend, Humphrey Xu.
The pair set about amassing a Sydney property portfolio worth tens of millions of dollars. 

Among their tenants was a NSW government department. 

They exported Australian iron ore and wool to China. 

In their homeland, the couple embarked on huge real estate developments across several provinces in close co-operation with local officials.
They achieved Australian citizenship through sham marriages to a far younger Sydney couple then began building a network of politically powerful friends in their adopted country. 

Their target: Australia’s most ruthless political faction, the NSW Labor Right.
The foundation stone of this relationship was laid in 1993 when one of Helen Liu’s companies, Diamond Hill International, took a knockabout federal Labor MP, the late Eric Fitzgibbon, on a first-class trip to Liu’s home province of Shandong. 

Fitzgibbon’s job was to shake hands with an array of Communist Party officials and tell them just what a big deal Helen Liu and her boyfriend were back in Australia.

Eric (above) and Joel Fitzgibbon (at right) in Shandong in 1993.

Eric Fitzgibbon asked if his son Joel, a rising star in NSW Labor, could come along. 

Joel Fitzgibbon, a trained auto electrician who was working as his father’s electorate officer, was Eric Fitzgibbon’s prospective successor as Labor candidate in the working-class regional seat of Hunter at the 1996 federal election.
That Shandong trip was the beginning of a long friendship between Helen Liu and the Fitzgibbons which only became public in 2009 when Joel Fitzgibbon was Australia’s defence minister. 

His early political career was supported by $40,000 in donations from Helen Liu, including $20,000 for his 1998 election campaign from her company Wincopy – the same company that sent $250,000 to Liu Chaoying’s Hong Kong account in 1996.
Fairfax Media makes no accusation of wrongdoing or impropriety against Joel Fitzgibbon in this report. 

No evidence has emerged to suggest he knew of Helen Liu’s links to Liu Chaoying.
In a statement made through her Sydney lawyer, Helen Liu has admitted a personal and business relationship with Liu Chaoying. 

But she has sought to distance herself from the more controversial aspects of Liu Chaoying’s life.
While she has not outright denied the Wincopy payment of $250,000, she has attempted to cast doubt on the documents obtained from Federal and Supreme court files in NSW which formed part of a bitter 1990s legal battle with her former boyfriend and business partner Humphrey Xu.
Fairfax Media has found no evidence to suggest Helen Liu or her legal team during the 1990s had contested the veracity of these financial documents, many of which were obtained under subpoena.

Helen Liu and Bill Clinton.

There is no doubt that NSW Labor itself reaped at least $100,000 from Helen Liu and her sister Queena in donations and fundraising between 1999 and 2007. 

During this time, Helen Liu grew close to other Labor politicians as notable as long-serving NSW premier Bob Carr. 

She was photographed with former prime ministers John Howard and Kevin Rudd and former Opposition leader Kim Beazley – not to mention Bill Clinton, who her friend Liu Chaoying was also snapped with.
Helen Liu’s friends in the ALP have long decried any notion that financial support from her or other Chinese donors raises a national security risk. 

But the revelation that Helen Liu had a direct connection to a key player in the Chinese military intelligence operation to influence an American presidential campaign makes it necessary to examine her involvement in Australian politics through a different lens.
The admiral’s daughter
When Liu Chaoying came to spend time with Helen Liu in Sydney in 1997, those who met her were left in no doubt as to her importance. 

With a love of high fashion and gambling, Chaoying was never shy about her position near the top of China’s government and military.
“She was introduced to me as a director of China’s Long March missile program,” recalled one of Helen Liu’s long-standing business associates, “and she was straight down to business. The first thing she asked me was if I knew where she could source metallurgical coal for making steel.”
Liu Chaoying was vice-president of China Aerospace International (CASIL) Holdings, a state-owned company responsible for China’s missile, satellite and rocket technology. 

She was also a Lieutenant Colonel in the People’s Liberation Army (PLA), working closely with its military intelligence unit, the Second Department of the PLA General Staff.

China Aerospace runs China’s missile and satellite technology.

Her biggest claim to fame was that her father, Liu Huaqing, was the most senior military officer in China during the 1990s. 

Credited with building China’s modern navy, Admiral Liu was vice-chairman of the country’s Central Military Commission and a member of the all-powerful Communist Party Politburo Standing Committee.
That family connection made Liu Chaoying a so-called princeling, a child of the Communist revolution’s elite. 

Her heritage and connections opened doors and opportunities in China and abroad. 

Like other princelings and other Chinese intelligence assets, her personal and business interests were often closely entwined with those of the state.

Liu Huaquing in Beijing in 1996.

What is known of Liu Chaoying’s military and business career shows that she had a deep involvement in the procurement of weapons and military technology as well as communications. 

It has been reported in the Hong Kong press that she played a crucial role for Chinese military intelligence in financing the deal that procured the former Soviet aircraft carrier Varyag from Ukraine. 

Now refurbished and renamed, the carrier Liaoning is the pride of China’s rapidly expanding navy.
For most ordinary Chinese, someone like Liu Chaoying was an untouchable.
She was an intimidating figure, someone to treat with caution and respect. 

But for Helen Liu there was no sign of deference. 

“They were like sisters,” recalls one observer.

According to Helen Liu’s statement though, she had no idea about Liu Chaoying's military role: “Helen only knew that Liu Chaoying was a director of Hong Kong listed company and knew her through the business relationship in the telecom company. She did not know (if it be the case) that Liu Chaoying worked for China’s military intelligence or the PLA.”
Helen Liu was also from a family of some renown in China, particularly in Shandong province. 

Her father, who she described in a court affidavit as a “ranking official” in China’s government, was responsible for appointing various Communist Party officials to provincial power. 

This created a powerful network for his family.
By 1997, Helen Liu’s property empire in Sydney and China was worth tens of millions of dollars. 

She was a fixture on the NSW Labor scene, mixing business and pleasure through lavish dinners at the Golden Century Chinese restaurant next to the ALP’s NSW headquarters in Sydney’s Sussex Street. 

Her connection with the Fitzgibbons, Joel and his father Eric, and her generous donations were well known to senior NSW Labor figures.

Helen Liu’s companies also paid for wave after wave of Chinese officials such as current Hebei province party secretary Zhao Kezhi -- who some tip to be a future Chinese leader -- to visit Australia. 

Itineraries for these visits show that meetings were scheduled with Labor Party figures such as Bob Carr, Joel Fitzgibbon and Mark Arbib. 

Often when a senior Chinese leader, such as former presidents Jiang Zemin or Hu Jintao, toured Australia and the Pacific, Helen Liu was in the travelling party.

Helen Liu and former PLA officer Ren Xingliang at a Communist Party event in Henan Province. 

This made Helen Liu the ultimate go-between. 

Chinese government companies tasked her with sourcing iron ore from Rio Tinto, BHP and Gina Rinehart’s Hancock Prospecting.
Helen Liu became vice-chairwoman of a Chinese government-linked organisation called the World Federation of Overseas Chinese Associations. 

This organisation was led by a former PLA officer, Ren Xingliang, and worked closely with the Communist Party’s United Front Work Department to promote Beijing’s objectives through the Chinese diaspora. 

US intelligence analysts have long regarded the United Front as a facilitator for China's overseas influencing campaigns.

Helen Liu enters court for a defamation case in 2011.

A bombshell
While Helen Liu’s star was rising, Liu Chaoying had some real troubles. 

Early in 1997, legendary Watergate reporter Bob Woodward dropped a bombshell report in the Washington Post declaring that the FBI and US Justice Department were investigating foreign donations to the Democratic campaign to have Bill Clinton re-elected in 1996.
The money trail from Johnny Chung led back to Liu Chaoying and Marswell Investments and, soon enough, their names were on the front pages of America’s biggest newspapers. 

Liu Chaoying was publicly identified as a Chinese military intelligence officer in Newsweek magazine and elsewhere.

Liu Chaoying

But the Chinagate publicity in the US did little to temper Liu Chaoying’s ambition to expand her corporate presence in Australia. 

Throughout 1997 and 1998, records show that she established four companies in Australia. 

She also became a director of the Australian branch of China Aerospace.
Links with Helen Liu were evident in many of her dealings. 

Paperwork for one of Liu Chaoying’s personal companies, Llexcel Pty Limited, was filed by a young Sydney lawyer called Donald Junn who had power of attorney for all of Helen Liu’s main Australian businesses.

The Sydney address given by Liu Chaoying for Llexcel was the same one Helen Liu used to register a company in Hong Kong in the same year.

Being outed as a Chinese intelligence operative didn’t stop Liu Chaoying from expanding her operations in Australia. 

Her precise objectives remain unclear but almost certainly involved a mixture of her own interests and those of the Chinese state.
As for Helen Liu, she claims in her statement that she was not aware of her business partner’s troubles in America. 

And she said that the common address for their respective companies was the Sydney residence of her sister, Chun Mei Liu.

The congressman
Liu Chaoying’s $300,000 payment to Johnny Chung is the case US Republican congressman Mike McCaul can’t let go of.
McCaul was a prosecutor at the Department of Justice before entering politics. 

He spent 1997 and 1998 leading the investigation into the political financing activities of Chung, Liu Chaoying and other players in the Chinagate scandal.
McCaul, who now chairs the US House of Representatives’ Homeland Security Committee, secured Johnny Chung’s testimony about the meeting with General Ji and Liu Chaoying in the abalone restaurant and his receipt of $300,000.
Although he knew more than anyone about Liu Chaoying’s business activities, McCaul said he was not aware of an Australian connection to her until he was approached by Fairfax Media and Four Corners with records showing Helen Liu’s company’s $250,000 transfer. 

McCaul was unable to uncover the Australian transfer because the Chinese government had blocked his attempts to access Liu Chaoying’s Hong Kong bank accounts.
Of the company Liu Chaoying used to make the US political donation, McCaul said: “I believe Marswell was really a front for Chinese intelligence activities.”
McCaul believes the Chinese wanted Clinton re-elected because his administration had eased export restrictions on satellite technology to China. 

This area was one of Liu Chaoying’s specialities at China Aerospace.
The congressman’s view is supported by the finding of a bipartisan congressional committee, which is specially convened to investigate China’s political donations. 

It described the $300,000 as an attempt to “better position [Liu Chaoying] in the United States to acquire computer, missile and satellite technologies”.
Classified US intelligence material provided to congressional investigators also put Liu Chaoying at the forefront of illegal arms sales and smuggling operations. 

She was twice found to have entered the US using false identities.
McCaul said the revelation that a prominent Chinese donor to Australian politics such as Helen Liu was financially and personally involved with Liu Chaoying at the time of Chinagate was “deeply disturbing”.
“Quite frankly, I was a bit surprised [to learn] that Australia does allow foreign contributions.”
“And if you look at the numbers, which I was privy to, a lot of these donations are coming from China. They want a stronger presence in Australia and what better way to do that than to influence political figures through foreign contributions,” McCaul said.
Despite the controversy in the US, Helen Liu appeared unperturbed about continuing to do business with Liu Chaoying. 

Hong Kong court records show the pair established a company in the British Virgin Islands in 1999 with the intention of investing in telecommunications in China.
But their relationship soured in 2001 when a Hong Kong bank took them to court after they failed to make repayments on a substantial loan.

Helen Liu in 2011 during a court action against The Age. 

An unusual letter
In February 2009, a senior Australian defence department official posted anonymous letters to two of the journalists who have written this story, one at the investigations unit of The Age, the other then at The Canberra Times.
The letter referred to a potential conflict of interest involving Fitzgibbon’s brother’s company, health insurer NIB, and its interest in government contracts. 

But much of the letter was taken up with the then defence minister’s relationship with a Chinese-born businesswoman and Labor donor named Helen Liu.
The letter revealed that the minister received a suit from his friend and was living in a Canberra townhouse he rented from Helen Liu’s family. 

Most notably, the letter specifically asserted that Helen Liu was associated with Chinese military intelligence.
Until this point, Helen Liu was unknown to anyone in the Australian media let alone the wider public. Despite 15 years of involvement in Australian politics through donations and fundraising, she remained beneath the radar. 

Fitzgibbon’s register of interests lodged with Parliament made no mention of Helen Liu despite their long friendship.
Ahead of the publication of a series of Fairfax articles about Helen Liu in 2009, Fitzgibbon was asked if he had received any gifts or benefits from Helen Liu that would require declaration. 

His answer was no – as it was when asked the same question at a doorstop on the day the story broke.
But later that night, his office announced that the minister had forgotten to declare two very quick trips to China in 2002 and 2005 that had been paid for by Helen Liu. Just why he took those trips and what he did on them remains unclear.
The failure to declare the trips badly weakened his grip on his Cabinet position.
Since amending his records, Joel Fitzgibbon has consistently maintained he has received nothing further from Helen Liu that he needed to declare nor had ever been involved in or benefited from her business affairs.
Fairfax Media makes no suggestion that Fitzgibbon has anything else to declare. 

But he has not answered questions about whether other members of his immediate family, such as his late father Eric Fitzgibbon, had received cash, gifts or company shares from Helen Liu.
Fresh documents obtained by Fairfax Media show Helen Liu was often keen to include a meeting or a meal with her friend Joel Fitzgibbon MP on the itineraries of Chinese officials she would pay for to tour Australia.

Of course, there is nothing wrong with meeting and dining with visiting foreign dignitaries. 

It is an often tedious but necessary part of the job for many Australian MPs.
Joel Fitzgibbon said he could recall possibly two occasions where he had dined with Chinese associates of Helen Liu during their visits to the Hunter Valley. 

“My memory is that they were Government officials,” he said.

Fairfax Media understands that federal and state Labor politicians used their official letterheads to write to various Chinese leaders and Australian immigration officers on behalf of Helen Liu and her immediate family. 

Mr Fitzgibbon said he was not among them. 

“I have never written to a Chinese official,” he said. 

Helen Liu said she had no recollection of asking any politician for such favours.


The ASIO all-clear
Perhaps the strangest thing in the Helen Liu saga was the statement released by Australia’s top counter-espionage agency, ASIO, a day after the initial story about her broke in late March 2009.
Kevin Rudd’s Labor government was already having problems on the China front. 

The Mandarin-speaking Rudd had just been criticised after he “secretly” hosted the Chinese Communist Party’s propaganda chief at the Lodge. 

Before that, Rudd and other Labor MPs were in the gun over a series of trips they made – and declared appropriately – to China paid for by Chinese entrepreneur and political donor Ian Tang.
ASIO’s customary approach is to never publicly comment on security matters involving individuals or organisations. 

It is a policy endorsed by both Coalition and Labor governments and almost always strictly adhered to.
But in the case of Helen Liu, Rudd’s government decided to buck convention. 

There is not yet evidence that Kevin Rudd received money from Chau Chak Wing

Hours after Fairfax’s first article about Helen Liu was published, the office of Labor’s attorney-general, Robert McClelland, released a statement saying “the Acting Director General of Security has advised me that ASIO has no information relating to Ms Helen Liu which would have given rise to any security concern regarding her activities or associations.”
Paul Monk is one of Australia’s foremost experts on China’s intelligence apparatus. 

A former head of the China desk at Australia’s Defence Intelligence Organisations, Monk is perturbed by the circumstances that led to the former Rudd government releasing such advice from ASIO.
“First, [that the ASIO statement] contravened long-standing intelligence community practice in commenting publicly on operational matters; second, that it should have lacked such information, in all the circumstances; and, third, that unimpeachable information has now come to light showing that, in fact, there were, well before 2009, grounds for very grave concern about Helen Liu’s bona fides and links with Chinese military and intelligence agencies at the highest level,” Mr Monk said.
The ASIO statement was used by the Labor government as a shield against critics raising security concerns in relation to Helen Liu and her close ties to the defence minister. 

Ministers relied on it to repel opposition Senate estimates questions.
Helen Liu’s closest friends in Labor went on the attack.
Bob Carr said it was “pretty shameful for the media to brand this woman as suspect on security grounds without the remotest evidence – indeed in the face of ASIO stating she is of no interest to them.”
NSW state MP Henry Tsang wrote that Helen Liu has been “wrongly portrayed as a national security threat”. 

Joel Fitzgibbon said his friend was a “highly regarded and respected Australian businesswoman”.
“Her name has been dragged through the mud … and her reputation has been tarnished in a highly defamatory way. I’ll certainly be taking any action I can to ensure she’s not personally attacked in that way in the future.”
The ASIO statement was even used by senior Australian Defence Department officials to privately assure their American counterparts that there was no need to be concerned about Helen Liu, according to leaked State Department cables released by Wikileaks.
As for Helen Liu, she told News Limited tabloid The Daily Telegraph she was “brokenhearted”.
“It is unfair to me what people have said. I know people have said that I am a national security threat.”

China's fifth column: Joel Fitzgibbon in 2017.

Litigation and legacies
Joel Fitzgibbon survived as defence minister until mid-2009. 

And it wasn’t his ties to Helen Liu that did for him in the end. 

It was a conflict of interest involving his brother’s company.
But the story of Helen Liu wasn’t going away. 

Subsequent reports based on material supplied by new informants resulted in a long-running and expensive legal battle instigated by Helen Liu in a bid to find out their identity.
Thanks to his standing in the NSW Labor right, Joel Fitzgibbon became federal Labor chief whip in 2010 and served as a member and briefly chairperson of the Parliament’s influential Joint Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs, Defence and Trade.
Following the June 2013 Labor leadership spill, he was appointed agriculture minister in Kevin Rudd’s second ministry. 

He now serves as shadow agriculture minister on Labor leader Bill Shorten’s front bench.
As for Liu Chaoying, she and her family appear to be on the rise again in China after some difficulties in the early 2000s when her father fell out with then president Jiang Zemin, resulting in her brief arrest, and her boss, General Ji, receiving a 20-year prison sentence for corruption.
In 2007, US diplomats reported that Liu Chaoying was “involved in arms sales to foreign countries through Huawei and other military or quasi-military companies on whose boards she sat”. 

Her elder brother, Liu Zhuoming, is an influential navy admiral and member of the National People’s Congress.
In September last year, Xi Jinping paid a lengthy personal tribute to Liu Chaoying’s late father on the occasion of the centenary of his birth, declaring Liu Huaquing to be one of the greatest leaders of the modern Chinese military.
Meanwhile, it is understood that Helen Liu has spent nearly all of her time in China in recent years. 

Two of her family’s companies have encountered some legal trouble in China. 

A 2014 court judgement from Hainan Island records that the chairwoman of Australia Diamond Hill Holdings Limited admitted to having bribed a local official with $34,000 and a bottle of red wine.
The judgement identifies a female with the surname "Liu” as chairwoman but does not specify whether it is Helen Liu, her sister or someone else.

Chinese media reports between 2000 and 2012 name Helen Liu as the chairwoman of Australia Diamond Hill Holdings. 

In her statement she denied any recent involvement with the companies named in the Hainan court judgement.
Her Double Bay residence has long appeared neglected and empty. 

Recently, however, she and her sister re-established a corporate presence in Australia. 

Just what this means remains to be seen.

Timeo Sinesos et dona ferentes

ASIO investigation targets Communist Party links to Australian political system
A joint Four Corners-Fairfax investigation by Nick McKenzie, Chris Uhlmann, Richard Baker, Daniel Flitton, Sashka Koloff

China's fifth column: Huang Xiangmo (second from left) with Ernest Wong, former prime minster Julia Gillard and Sam Dastyari. Huang has provided large donations to the major political parties.

The cold Canberra air had yet to be tempered by the dawn when plain-clothes agents from ASIO and a locksmith assembled outside an apartment in the upmarket suburb of Kingston.
The locksmith's work done, the agents filed past two wooden Chinese artefacts standing like sentries at the entrance, and up a single flight of stairs into the apartment. 

The living room was decorated with exquisite porcelain vases and a dozen half-melted candles on a table.
The apartment belonged to Roger Uren, a tall, bookish man with thinning silver hair. 

Before resigning in August 2001, Uren was the assistant secretary of the Office of National Assessments, the agency that briefs the prime minister on highly classified intelligence matters.
Uren's speciality was China. 

Foreign affairs sources in Canberra say he was regarded as one of Australia's leading sinologists. 

In 2011, prime minister Kevin Rudd was reportedly considering appointing him as Australia's ambassador in Beijing.
A close friend of Uren describes him as eccentric. 

Under the pseudonym "John Byron", he had penned a book on Mao Zedong's feared intelligence chief, Kang Sheng, who amassed a collection of erotic art that was seized by his Red Guards during the Cultural Revolution. 

Uren shared Sheng's taste in art.
"When we visited the markets in Beijing, the erotic art sellers would call out his name because he was a regular customer," the friend recalls. 

Some of these artworks were on display as the agents from Australia's counter-intelligence agency searched the apartment in the early hours of October 7, 2015.
This raid was a small piece of a much larger picture. 

It reflects deep concern inside ASIO about China's attempts to influence Australia's politics.
The issue of foreign interference has exploded into prominence globally since the revelations of Russia's influence over the American election in favour of Donald Trump.
In Australia, it is the Chinese Communist Party causing the greatest concern, and Beijing's attempts at influence potentially extend to political players as senior as Labor's Sam Dastyari and the Liberal Party's Andrew Robb.
But neither of those men, nor even Uren himself, were the target of ASIO's 2015 raid which, until now, has remained one of Canberra's most closely guarded secrets. 

The agents were searching for evidence about somebody else entirely -- Roger Uren's wife.

Chinese mole Sheri Yan and her husband, Roger Uren

Sheri Yan 'a dynamic, active person'
Sheri Yan arrived in the United States in 1987 with $400 sewn into her clothes and a fierce desire to make something of herself. 

She met Uren, who was working as a diplomat at Australia's Washington embassy, and helped him research his Kang Sheng book.
By the time Uren returned to Australia to join the ONA in 1992, he and Yan were a couple. 

They moved together to Canberra. 

As Uren climbed the ranks of the intelligence assessment agency, Yan was forging a reputation as a fixer and lobbyist, able to open doors in Beijing for Australian and US businesses seeking access to Communist Party cadres.
She also sold her services to Chinese entrepreneurs wanting to build their fortunes overseas. 

By the time Uren resigned from the ONA in 2001 and moved with Yan to Beijing, her network was flourishing.

John Fitzgerald, a former Ford Foundation director in Beijing said he received a warning from an "old friend in Australia's security establishment" to "stay away from Yan".

Former Australian ambassador to China, Geoff Raby, who lived in the same exclusive St Regis apartment block as Yan in Beijing, described her as a "dynamic, active person, [who] speaks both languages perfectly, is charming, and comes from a well-connected background".
Yan's business network includes the US software tycoon Peter Norton, high-flying Australian corporate figure and Australia's former New York consul general, Phil Scanlan, and former ABC chairman Maurice Newman. 

She also knew several senior Australian politicians.
But not everyone trusted Sheri Yan. 

John Fitzgerald, a former Ford Foundation director in Beijing turned Swinburne University China expert, told Four Corners and Fairfax Media of a warning he received from an "old friend in Australia's security establishment" to "stay away from Yan".
"I understand that Sheri Yan is very closely connected with some of the most powerful and influential families and networks in China," Mr Fitzgerald said.
"Once you know that, you don't need to know much more."
Among Yan's Chinese clients was billionaire property developer, Chau Chak Wing. 

Chau is known in Australia for his large political donations, philanthropy and for buying the nation's most expensive house, James Packer's Sydney mansion, for $70 million, sight unseen.
He gave $20 million for the construction of the business school University of Technology, Sydney, which was designed by Frank Gehry, and is called the "Chau Chak Wing building".
And over the years, Chau donated more than $4 million to Labor and the Coalition. 

Among his contacts were senior politicians on both sides of the aisle, including John Howard and Kevin Rudd.
As ex-prime ministers, both have visited Chau's palatial conference centre and resort, Imperial Springs, in the thriving Guangdong province in China's south.
According to a close friend of Yan, Chau engaged her as a business consultant for 18 months around 2007 and again in 2013, when she helped entice global A-listers to his conference centre.
Then it all came tumbling down.

Bribery scandal unfolds across Pacific
The covert ASIO raid of Yan and Uren's Canberra property in October 2015 was timed to coincide with events across the Pacific. 

In New York, Yan and several other Chinese business people were being arrested by the FBI for running a bribery racket in the United Nations.
According to US District Attorney Preet Bharara, Yan and her co-accused had paid kickbacks to the president of the United Nations general assembly, John Ashe, and in return, Ashe performed certain services for wealthy Chinese businessmen.
"For Rolex watches, bespoke suits and a private basketball court, John Ashe, the 68th President of the UN General assembly, sold himself and the global institution he led," Mr Bharara told journalists at a briefing announcing the arrests.

UN greed: For Rolex watches, bespoke suits and a private basketball court, John Ashe, the 68th President of the UN General assembly, sold himself and the global institution he led.

ASIO suspected, though, that Yan's activities extended well beyond bribery. 

Classified material shared between FBI counter-espionage officials and ASIO prior to the Canberra raid suggested Yan was working with Chinese intelligence.
And a Four Corners-Fairfax Media investigation has established that, in the apartment she shared with Uren, ASIO agents located highly classified Australian documents. 

Uren had apparently removed them from the ONA prior to his departure in August 2001.
The documents contained details of what Western intelligence agencies knew about their Chinese counterparts.
ASIO called in the federal police to launch an inquiry. 

Well-placed sources have confirmed Uren may face criminal charges.
But it is understood the documents are not the main game for ASIO. 

While the agency never comments publicly on its operations, it is understood the investigation into Yan involves suspicions she may have infiltrated or sought clandestine influence in Australia and the US on behalf of the Chinese Communist Party.
In his brief interview, Uren labelled the notion "pure fantasy" concocted by the FBI.
"They think anyone who is Chinese is a spy," he said.
But professor Rory Medcalf, who directs the Australian National University's National Security College, says the ASIO raid would not have occurred without "the authorisation of the Attorney General" and input from "many parts of the Australian national security community."

Potential to cause harm to nation's sovereignty

Professor Rory Medcalf says ASIO has a "real concern" about the Chinese Communist Party's influence in Australia.

Mr Medcalf believes the targeting of Yan reflects a small part of a "deep and real concern" inside ASIO about the Chinese Communist Party's secret interference to influence operations in Australia.
Eight serving government officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity, broadly confirmed Mr Medcalf's assessment.
Several of these officials also confirmed that in the months leading up to the ASIO raid, the agency had been collating intelligence suggesting Australia was the target of an opaque foreign interference campaign by China on a larger scale than that being carried out by any other nation.
The Chinese Communist Party was working to infiltrate Australian political and foreign affairs circles, as well to gain more influence over the nation's growing Chinese population.
ASIO feared the campaign was succeeding. 

In comments to a Senate committee at the end of May (which were overshadowed by a controversy about refugees and terrorism), director general Duncan Lewis appeared to confirm this.
"Espionage and foreign interference continue to occur on an unprecedented scale and this has the potential to cause serious harm to the nation's sovereignty, the integrity of our political system, our national security capabilities, our economy and other interests."
Mr Lewis didn't name Beijing. 

But ASIO's serious concern about the Chinese Communist Party were on clear display when analysts working for Mr Lewis prepared an extraordinary document in the weeks before the Sheri Yan raid in October 2015.
It was created so that Mr Lewis could show it to the senior officials of Australia's Liberal, Labor and National parties to warn them about accepting political donations from China.
A number of people who have seen the document described it -- at the top was a diagram representing the Chinese Communist Party with lines connected this diagram to photos of two Chinese-born billionaires.
These two men were known to dislike each other. 

Both had amassed significant wealth in China. 

Both are significant donors to Australia's political parties. 

One of them was a businessman called Huang Xiangmo. 

The other was Sheri Yan's sometime employer, Chau Chak Wing.

Chau Chak Wing takes legal action against media
Chau Chak Wing was given the codename 'CC3' in a sealed indictment in a New York court. 

Chau Chak Wing is not directly named in court documents unsealed by US officials in the Sheri Yan UN bribery case, but he is referred to by a pseudonym, "CC3".
CC3 was an "old friend" of Yan whose firm had wired $200,000 to UN chief John Ashe to make the payment organised by Yan. 

There is no evidence that Chau knew it was illegal to pay a speaking fee to a UN official.
The money was paid to secure Ashe's appearance in his official capacity at Chau Chak Wing's palatial Imperial Springs conference centre. 

Several former politicians would be there, including Bill Clinton.
Under US bribery laws, Ashe's status as a serving UN official meant it was illegal for him to receive payments. 

He was charged alongside Yan, but "died" last year, shortly before a guilty plea from Yan led to her jailing for 20 months.
While she is still in prison, Chau Chak Wing has faced no criminal charges. 

He has taken legal action against Australian media outlets for any suggestion he is involved in impropriety and his representatives have assured his Australian political contacts that Chau has no connection to the wrongdoing of others targeted by the FBI.
Chau Chak Wing declined to answer questions put by Four Corners and Fairfax Media, and he appears to have shrugged off the matter. 

Two weeks after "CC3" was identified in FBI documents, former prime minister Kevin Rudd attended Chau Chak Wing's Guangdong conference centre to speak at a global leadership event.

Kevin Rudd in talks with Chau Chak Wing: There is not yet evidence that Rudd received money from Chau.

Chinese donors are channels to advance Beijing's interests
ASIO chief Duncan Lewis's document picturing Chau Chak Wing and Huang Xiangmo was essentially a prop. 

Three times he removed it from a black briefcase to display to three different men -- Brian Loughnane, the Liberal Party's federal director; George Wright, Labor's national secretary; and Scott Mitchell, the National Party's federal director.

ASIO's Duncan Lewis warned politicians of the risks associated with Chinese donations. 

They were at the time the most senior administrative officials of Australia's major political parties, and Mr Lewis's document conveyed a strong message: be wary of Chinese donors.
''[Lewis] said 'be careful','' says a source who is aware of what the trio were told.
"He was saying that the connections between these guys and the Communist Party is strong," says another political figure briefed about the content of the ASIO warning.
ASIO also warned this connection meant the donors could be channels to advance Beijing's interests.
In his briefings, Mr Lewis was careful to stress that neither Chau Chak Wing nor Huang Xiangmo was accused of any crime and that Mr Lewis wasn't instructing the parties to stop taking their donations. 

But he described how the Chinese Communist Party co-opts influential businessmen by rewarding those who assist it.
This meant there was a risk Chau Chak Wing's donations, which are made via the Australian citizen's companies, might come with strings attached.
Chau's ownership of a newspaper in China places him in effective partnership with Communist Party propaganda authorities, while his membership of a provincial-level People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) is also telling.
CPPCCs ostensibly oversee China's political and policy making system, but in reality they are used to entrench the Communist Party's monopoly power and advance its interests in China and abroad.
People such as Chau who make the cut as members of a CPPCC are screened by the Communist Party's United Front Work Department, a unique agency that aims to win over friends and isolate enemies in order to further the party's agenda.
In May 2015, Xi Jinping publicly championed the United Front and the CPPCC, describing their mission as "persuading people… to expand the strength of the common struggle".
"We have to assume that individuals like Chau have really deep, serious connections to the Chinese Communist Party," Mr Medcalf said.
"Even if they're not receiving any kind of direction, they would feel some sense of obligation, or indeed to make the right impression on the powers that be in China, to demonstrate that they're being good members of the party, that they're pursuing the party's interests."
Mr Medcalf said ASIO's decision to come out of the shadows and identify Chau in its briefings to the Coalition and Labor is "certainly unusual" ... "it would reflect very real concern," he said.

Political donations are made 'with a purpose'
The most recent head of Australia's Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade Peter Varghese is also troubled by the willingness of political parties to take foreign money. 

He warns political donations are made "with a purpose" and large Chinese companies act in accordance with the interests of the Communist Party.

Peter Varghese says Australia is on the cusp of significant changes.

"The Chinese system is such that the dividing line between a state decision, and a decision by a company that may be anticipating what is in the interests of the state, is rather blurred," he said.
The former DFAT chief is encouraging debate about Chinese interference because the stakes are so high. 

Any influence sought by Beijing may ultimately be aimed at advancing the strategic interests, activities and values of an authoritarian, one party state.
Australia is one of the few western countries that accepts political donations from foreigners, although the fact that Chau is an Australian citizen shows that a ban on donations from non-citizens may not mitigate the risk identified by Mr Varghese.
"It goes back to how we want to frame our laws on political donations and making sure people reveal their connections back to China if they are taking a position on a particular policy issue," he said.
If Chau has taken a position on any policy issue in Australia, he's not done so publicly. 

All he appears to have sought via his donations is access to some of Australia's most powerful men and women. 

But for the Chinese Communist Party, access to the right networks may be worthwhile in and of itself.
This is why Sheri Yan sought to compromise UN chief John Ashe, according to former CIA officer turned China-watcher Peter Mattis.
Mr Mattis said figures such as Yan who know how to cultivate networks of influence are "useful not only for getting things done, not only for injecting Chinese perspectives into [the networks], but also for being able to say, 'here are the players, here are the people who are important, here are their personal foibles'."
Chau Chak Wing may only ever have sought access, but the same can't be said of the second billionaire pictured alongside him in the ASIO briefing document.

Huang known by two formal identities
As with many men able to drop $100,000 at a casino or on a political donation, Huang Xiangmo is used to getting his way.
So it was with some consternation that, in early 2016, the lively businessman who sports a comb-over became worried his application for Australian citizenship was progressing more slowly than anticipated.
One thing bothering immigration authorities was the curious fact Huang Xiangmo had two separate formal identities -- he's also known as Huang Changran. 

But there was another reason for the delay. 

Huang's application was being assessed by ASIO.
Huang had likely become of interest to ASIO for a range of reasons. 

One was his leadership of the Australian arm of the Chinese Council for the Promotion of the Peaceful Reunification of China.
Former US Defence department China specialist Mark Stokes, an expert on Chinese Communist Party influence operations, said the Beijing headquarters of that organisation manages a "global outreach" project overseen by the Communist Party's United Front Work Department.
The "peaceful reunification" work of the council involves undermining the Taiwan and Hong Kong independence movements and asserting China's fiercely disputed claims over the South China Sea. 

Mr Stokes has also documented the Beijing-based council's links to Chinese intelligence agencies.
Huang's role as president of the Australian Council for the Promotion of the Peaceful Reunification of China places him at the vanguard of the United Front's lobbying in Australia.
"He's a key member supported by the Chinese authorities, including the embassy or the consulate here," said Sydney University of Technology's China academic and communist party critic Dr Feng Chongyi.
Huang told Four Corners and Fairfax Media in a statement that, while it supported the one China policy, the ACPPRC was "an autonomous, non-government organisation", and it was "incorrect to describe… [it] as an affiliate" of the United Front Work Department or the Chinese Communist Party. The organisation "supports economic and cultural exchange programs and charitable causes," he said.
But according to Dr Feng, Huang's council role affords him immense influence and status, as well as a launching pad into Australian politics.

Sydney University of Technology's China academic Dr Feng Chongyi said Mr Huang's council role affords him immense influence and status.

'Life was a struggle'
The way Huang built his Australian network is all the more remarkable given his humble beginnings in the back blocks of southern China's Guangdong province.
As a 15-year-old, Mr Huang left school for a year to look after his impoverished family after the sudden death of his father.
"Life was a struggle, especially with five children to feed," he recently told a Chinese magazine. "Despite the hardships we were a close family."
In 2001, he scraped together enough funds to form the Yuhu Investment Development Company in Shenzen, a buzzing metropolis in Guangdong. 

He built upmarket villas and apartment blocks before diversifying into energy and agriculture. 

He also formed the close Communist Party connections expected of any billionaire property developer in China.
In 2011, Mr Huang moved to Australia. 

He claims to have been seeking new business opportunities and a place to raise his children where the "people are warm and friendly and the air is clean, very clean".
Australia was also free of the endemic corruption and corresponding anti-graft purges of the Chinese Communist Party that created an uncertain and sometimes hostile business environment for entrepreneurs.

Beijing's stooges: Huang Xiangmo donated $1.8 million to help build the Australia China Relations Institute at the University of Technology Sydney headed by Bob Carr.

In 2012, one of Huang's key Communist Party contacts in his home-town of Jieyang was targeted for corruption, a fact Mr Huang has privately brushed off as irrelevant.
After arriving in Sydney, Huang developed a shopping centre and launched a philanthropy blitz, donating millions of dollars to medical research and universities, including $1.8 million to help found the Australia China Relations Institute at the University of Technology Sydney.
The institute is headed by Bob Carr, whom Huang claims he hand-picked. 

Carr (who declined an interview request) disputes this, although it's unquestionable that Huang's large donation provided an open channel to the former foreign minister and premier.
Huang quickly became known as a "whale" in political fundraising circles. 

The nickname was earned with his very first donation: $150,000 to the NSW branch of the ALP on November 19, 2012. 

That same day, two of Huang's close associates, Chinese businessmen and peaceful reunification members Luo Chuangxiong and Peter Chen, gave an additional $350,000.
Huang and his allies' large donations were initially handled by the then ALP NSW secretary Sam Dastyari, along with Chinese community leader and ALP identity Ernest Wong, who quickly became one of  Huang's point men in Labor.
As well as encouraging Huang's campaign fundraising, Dastyari requested the developer donate $5,000 to settle an outstanding legal bill he had accumulated as party secretary.
In the Liberal camp, Huang was also dealing with high-flyers. 

They included trade minister Andrew Robb, whose Victorian fundraising vehicle was given $100,000 by Huang, and Tony Abbott, who encountered Huang at Liberal fundraisers where, in the lead up to the 2013 selection, the Chinese businessman donated $770,000.
Huang moved with ease across the political aisle. 

Dastyari and Robb both effusively praised Huang's "philanthropy" at charity or community events organised by the developer.

For sale: Andrew Robb in September 2014 with Hoang Xiangmo

"He is a man of many dimensions from what I've already been able to determine," said Robb at a December 2013 charity event.
"He's a very thoughtful, cerebral fellow. I've had many interesting conversations already with Huang on an endless range of topics."
Robb said Huang's donation to Bob Carr's Australia-China Relations Institute showed he was a "visionary".
"China is going to be an integral part of all of our futures, and it is absolutely imperative that we build the closest possible relationship," Robb said.

At least $2.6m donated to the major parties
Huang first turned his political connections into a request for a favour in early 2013. 

Court records show it involved a minor immigration matter. 

His ally, Ernest Wong, was at the time an ALP deputy mayor, who Huang would recruit as an advisor to his Australian Council for the Promotion of the Peaceful Reunification of China (Wong had, years earlier, been part of the council under its previous leadership).
Wong wrote a letter of support to help Huang secure a work visa for a Chinese employee. 

The Migration Review Tribunal later rejected the application because the proposed job referred to was not genuine.

Huang (circled) at the launch of the Association's Chinese New Year Lantern Festival with Chinese and Australian Government officials.

Shortly after Wong penned the letter in question, in May 2013, he was parachuted into a NSW state parliament upper house seat left vacant by the resignation of former Labor member Eric Roozendaal. 

It was a curious affair, if only for the timing.
Roozendaal was suspended from Labor on November 7, 2012 over a corruption scandal.

This meant his place on the ALP's upper house ticket would need to be eventually filled.
Twelve days later, Huang and two fellow Peaceful Reunification council members donated $500,000 to the NSW ALP. 

After Wong took Roozendaal's place in the upper house, Huang employed Mr Roozendaal to work in his development firm.
Huang's donations to both major parties continued. 

Records reveal that over four years, Huang and his close associates or employees gave at least $2.6 million to the major parties.
It was these donations, along with Huang's Communist Party ties, that led to him being featured in the briefing spy chief Duncan Lewis gave the three political party chiefs in 2015.
The same qualification that applies to Chau Chak Wing also covers Huang --  Huang's donations were legal, and ASIO said the parties were under no obligation to refuse them.
Huang declined to answer detailed questions, but has denied any wrongdoing. 

In the right company, though, Huang himself has made no secret of his political views. 

Around the time of the ASIO briefing, he spoke at an event at the Chinese consulate to celebrate 66 years of Communist Party rule.

"We overseas Chinese unswervingly support the Chinese government's position to defend national sovereignty and territorial integrity [and] support the development of the motherland as always," he said.
Huang's desire to champion Beijing's territorial claims eventually led to a clash with ALP policy. 

But in the months leading up to the election, Huang's most pressing concern was his application to become an Australian citizen. 

It had been temporarily blocked as ASIO attempted to understand his relationship with the Chinese Communist Party and other discrepancies in his application.
Huang did not know that Australian authorities had concerns, at least not initially. 

All he knew was that his application was taking far longer than he believed it should. 

The answer, he believed, lay not with a migration agent or lawyer, but with the intervention of his political friends.
"In China, the system works like that," explains a well-placed source.
Huang attempted to recruit a number of politicians to his citizenship cause, including former prime minister Tony Abbott. 

Several politicians agreed to help, but it appears only one followed through -- Sam Dastyari.
On four separate occasions over the first six months of 2016, Dastyari or his office called the Immigration Department to quiz officials about the status of Huang's application. 

The senator made at least two of these calls personally.

An Immigration Department spokesperson said citizenship was only granted for people of good character who could meet identity requirements, and who were not subject to adverse ASIO assessments.

"The Department is not influenced by representations, no matter who they are from, if the applicant does not meet the requirements of the Citizenship Act."
As for Dastyari's calls on Huang's behalf, one official said: "It shows a pattern of conduct, beyond a single call the department might get from a politician about a constituent".

$400,000 donation in question
Around the time of Dastyari's last call, and as the 2016 election neared, Huang promised the ALP another $400,000 in donations -- money the party desperately needed to fund its campaign. 

But then  Huang received some bad news. 

The ALP was publicly and unexpectedly challenging one of the core doctrines of Beijing's foreign policy.
At a lunchtime address on June 16, Labor shadow defence spokesman Stephen Conroy told the National Press Club that China's actions in the South China Sea were destabilising and absurd.
Labor, he said, was open to the Australian Navy conducting freedom-of-navigation exercises in the area.
In Beijing, the Chinese Communist Party viewed this as an unwelcome challenge. 

In Sydney, Huang decided to act.
He called ALP fundraising officials in Victoria. 

Mr Conroy's comments meant he could no longer deliver the promised $400,000 in donations. 

The ALP pushed for Huang to honour his commitment, but he stood firm. 

Mr Conroy had crossed the line and his comments would cost the ALP dearly.
Still Huang wasn't prepared to give up on Labor entirely. 

Just a day after Mr Conroy launched his South China Sea salvo, Dastyari and Huang spoke at adjacent lecterns at a press conference attended by the Chinese language media.
"The South China Sea is China's own affair," Dastyari stated. 

"On this issue, Australia should remain neutral and respect China's decision".
There is no suggestion Dastyari knew directly of the threat to the $400,000 donation.
Those comments cost Dastyari his frontbench job amid a storm of publicity after the election over why he had allowed Huang to pay for the $5,000 legal bill in 2014, and a second Chinese donor to contribute to pay a $1,670 office travel expense.
In response Dastyari said he had broken contact with Huang after "the events of last year".
Huang's use of a $400,000 donation as leverage over the ALP's foreign policy has remained hidden until now. 

It came about a year after ASIO had first put the political parties on notice about Huang's likely connections back in China.
"It's precisely the kind of example of economic inducement being turned into economic leverage or coercion," said Rory Medcalf from the ANU National Security College.
"It's a classic example of a benefit being provided, but then withheld as a way of punishment, and as a way of influencing Australia policy independence."
A few days after Huang said he would withdraw his offer of the $400,000 donation, he appeared at a Labor press conference to announce two Chinese candidates for the last two spots on the ALP's senate ticket.
One of the candidates was active ALP member Simon Zhou, a close associate and member of Huang's peaceful reunification council.
Zhou also helped raise funds for the NSW ALP, with two of his business associates donating $60,000 in May 2016. 

Huang also asked the NSW ALP to appoint Zhou as a multicultural adviser (the ALP insists he was appointed on merit).
At the event announcing Zhou and Han's candidacy, Huang told Chinese-language media "the Chinese realise that they need to make their voices heard in the political circle, so as to seek more interests for the Chinese, and let Australia's mainstream society pay more attention to the Chinese".
Huang's withdrawal of the 2016 donation is understood to have not only concerned some within Labor, but to have caused grave concern inside Australia's security community and the US embassy in Canberra.
Several sources have also confirmed that in September 2016, ASIO briefed Bill Shorten about Huang. 

Mr Shorten responded by directing his colleagues to cut ties to the donor. 

The opposition leader also issued a public call for a ban on foreign donations.

Call for reform on foreign donations

In Washington DC, Australia's role as one of the only western nations not to have banned foreign donations, continues to cause alarm.
But despite promises for donations reform from senior figures in both parties, nothing firm has happened. 

Many politicians still appear more interested in attracting foreign cash than ensuring the integrity of our political system.
It is clear the problem is not confined to donations and Australia's national security agencies continue to sound the alarm behind closed doors.
"There's an awareness of a problem, but the agencies themselves don't have the mandate or the wherewithal to manage the problem," Mr Medcalf warned.
"All they can do is sound the alarm and alert the political class. The political class needs to take a set of decisions in the interest of Australian sovereignty, in the interest of Australia's independent policy making, to restrict and limit foreign influence in Australian decision making."
After being briefed on the findings of the investigation by Fairfax Media and Four Corners and sent a list of questions, the Turnbull Government has stressed it is not only listening to the warnings but prepared to act.
In a statement, Attorney General George Brandis revealed Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull had launched a major inquiry into Australia's espionage and foreign interference laws.
"The threat of political interference by foreign intelligence services is a problem of the highest order and it is getting worse," Mr Brandis said.
"Espionage and covert foreign interference by nation states is a global reality which can cause immense harm to our national sovereignty, to the safety of our people, our economic prosperity, and to the very integrity of our democracy."
Mr Brandis also flagged the introduction of new laws to "strengthen our agencies' ability to investigate and prosecute acts of espionage and foreign interference."
His statement is certain to rile Beijing. 

It will also concern certain political players in Australia, who will be hoping any inquiry is confined to finding gaps in the law and leaves alone the previous conduct of individuals.

Watch the Four Corners report "Power and Influence" on ABC iview.